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Long Island job levels in December

The total, non-farm sector job count on Long Island rose 4,900 to more than 1.357 million in December 2017 compared with the same month a year earlier, according to the state Labor Department. Leading the gains were private educational and health services sector, which was up 7,500 jobs in December, and leisure and hospitality, up 4,200 jobs in December from the year before. Leading the declines were the trade, transportation and utilities sector, which was down 4,000 jobs; professional and business services, which fell by 1,900, and manufacturing, which fell by 1,500. Click on the trend lines below for details on the 10 sectors going back to 1990. To eliminate some of the lines, click on the sector name in the color key. The table below gives details for the 2017 and 2016 levels. Read more. Posted Jan 18, 2018.

Jobs in the 10 sectors on Long Island

More detailed breakdown of 2017 vs. 2016

Industry            (job levels in thousands)Dec. 2017Dec. 2016Change in year
TOTAL NON-FARM1,357.11,352.20.4%
TOTAL PRIVATE1,155.51,149.90.5%
Total Goods Producing 144.8144.10.5%
   Construction, Natural Resources, Mining 75.072.83.0%
         Specialty Trade Contractors 54.352.33.8%
   Manufacturing69.871.3-2.1%
      Durable Goods 38.039.5-3.8%
      Non-Durable Goods 31.831.80.0%
Total Service Providing1,212.31,208.10.3%
Total Private Service-Providing1,010.71,005.80.5%
   Trade, Transportation, and Utilities288.0292.0-1.4%
      Wholesale Trade 71.872.4-0.8%
         Merchant Wholesalers, Durable Goods 34.734.02.1%
         Merchant Wholesalers, Non-durable Goods 27.327.20.4%
      Retail Trade 168.5173.3-2.8%
         Building Material and Garden Equipment 13.212.92.3%
         Food and Beverage Stores 37.437.01.1%
            Grocery Stores 30.730.41.0%
         Health and Personal Care Stores 13.813.80.0%
         Clothing and Clothing Accessories Stores 20.021.4-6.5%
         General Merchandise Stores 29.730.8-3.6%
            Department Stores 23.124.2-4.5%
      Transportation, Warehousing, and Utilities 47.746.33.0%
         Utilities 4.84.80.0%
         Transportation and Warehousing 42.941.53.4%
            Couriers and Messengers 7.57.50.0%
   Information19.219.4-1.0%
         Broadcasting (except Internet) 1.01.00.0%
         Telecommunications 8.68.60.0%
   Financial Activities71.271.9-1.0%
      Finance and Insurance 53.653.20.8%
         Credit Intermediation and Related Activities 20.320.5-1.0%
            Depository Credit Intermediation 11.511.6-0.9%
         Insurance Carriers and Related Activities 26.026.5-1.9%
      Real Estate and Rental and Leasing 17.618.7-5.9%
         Real Estate 14.014.2-1.4%
   Professional and Business Services 176.7178.6-1.1%
      Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services 82.781.51.5%
            Legal Services 17.418.7-7.0%
            Accounting, Tax Prep., Bookkpng., & Payroll Svcs. 14.814.33.5%
      Management of Companies and Enterprises 16.516.40.6%
      Admin. & Supp. and Waste Manage. & Remed. Svcs. 77.580.7-4.0%
   Education and Health Services275.6268.12.8%
      Educational Services 43.942.82.6%
      Health Care and Social Assistance 231.7225.32.8%
         Ambulatory Health Care Services 90.888.72.4%
         Hospitals 67.264.64.0%
         Nursing and Residential Care Facilities 35.734.53.5%
         Social Assistance 38.037.51.3%
   Leisure and Hospitality121.7117.53.6%
      Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation 20.318.112.2%
         Amusement, Gambling, and Recreation Industries 15.313.711.7%
      Accommodation and Food Services 101.499.42.0%
         Food Services and Drinking Places 96.194.51.7%
   Other Services 58.358.30.0%
         Personal and Laundry Services 23.923.32.6%
Government 201.6202.3-0.3%
   Federal Government 16.016.9-5.3%
   State Government 25.325.4-0.4%
      State Government Education 14.213.73.6%
      State Government Hospitals 1.31.4-7.1%
   Local Government 160.3160.00.2%
      Local Government Education 108.7108.10.6%
      Local Government Hospitals 2.92.90.0%

Gary Melius Pathway to power

PATHWAY TO POWER

Gary Melius’ rise through Long Island’s cozy political system

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CHAPTER 1

One man’s rise shines light on LI’s corrosive system

CHAPTER 1

One man’s rise shines light on LI’s corrosive system

Gary Melius has transformed himself from onetime West Hempstead street tough to owner of a Huntington castle that became Long Island’s unofficial political clubhouse. He made his way from the outside in as a player with powerful friends and a practical understanding of the day-to-day workings of the Island’s cozy, transactional political structure.

Melius, who was shot and wounded four years ago in the shadow of his greatest accomplishment, Oheka Castle, didn’t invent Long Island’s way of doing business. But through him, a portrait emerges of how the game is played and how hard it may be to change.


CHAPTER 2

Deals, cop contracts: Learning from the masters

CHAPTER 2

Deals, cop contracts: Learning from the masters

By the mid-1970s, Melius was making his way on Long Island, having emerged from five sets of criminal charges without jail time. Largely responsible was brilliant, politically connected lawyer Richard Hartman, who became one of his two great mentors. The other was Alfonse D’Amato, and the ’70s were when D’Amato and Hartman first scored big.

Hartman won police contracts that made the counties’ officers among the highest paid in the country. D’Amato rose from Hempstead supervisor to U.S. senator.

D’Amato toughed out an investigation into kickbacks by town employees to the Republican Party; allegations of favoritism in placements into subsidized housing in his hometown, Island Park; and a district attorney’s report that concluded politically connected developers had received below-market leases on valuable properties in Mitchel Field.

Melius, meanwhile, bought Hartman’s headquarters building and, using politically involved lawyers, built a property portfolio worth millions. He joined civic boards. His foundation, named for his mother, made the first of what would become $2.8 million in charitable donations. He gave $1,000 to D’Amato’s 1980 Senate campaign, which he would follow over decades with more contributions to a range of politicians.


CHAPTER 3

Casino flop: Struggling outside LI’s cozy network

CHAPTER 3

Casino flop: Struggling outside LI’s cozy network

One way to measure the sustaining power of Long Island’s network of insiders is to witness how Melius struggled during the ’90s, when, operating outside his network of political connections, he tried to rebound from a financial meltdown.

A recession and tax law changes sent his finances reeling. Five of his companies went into bankruptcy, and at one point he was more than $20 million in debt. He also owed more than $250,000 to casinos, most of it to ones owned by Donald Trump.

Trying to rally, he managed boxers, invested in a sexploitation film and joined forces with a prodigal member of the Gucci family in a fashion business. Most of these ventures failed.

In a last move, he tried to start a casino on a remote upstate Indian reservation with a Long Island partner.


CHAPTER 4

The rise of Oheka Castle

CHAPTER 4

The rise of Oheka Castle

Gary Melius received an unexpected call in 1988. It came from a broker for a Japanese billionaire facing prison time for a fatal fire in a hotel he owned that lacked sprinklers. He wanted to buy Oheka Castle.

The billionaire was moving assets out of Japan as he awaited his fate. He paid a recorded price of $22.5 million for Oheka. He also allowed Melius to live at the castle and manage it.

But soon Melius began amassing code violations for fire and building hazards and illegally hosting weddings and flea markets. By 1997, he owed more than $600,000 in taxes and Huntington had sued to shut the castle down. Melius waged a consummate counteroffensive, though, that showed his rising skill as a power player. Despite his past record, the Huntington Town Board allowed him to operate Oheka commercially. The board placed significant restrictions on the use of the castle, but within a few years it had eliminated or eased virtually every one of them. In 2003, Melius bought back the castle for $6.9 million.


CHAPTER 5

A multimillion-dollar taxpayer bailout

CHAPTER 5

A multimillion-dollar taxpayer bailout

As Oheka thrived, a Melius property in Freeport bled money. Called Brooklyn Water Works, it was anchored by an abandoned 19th century pumping station. Melius had tried to redevelop the property unsuccessfully for two decades. He said Water Works had cost him millions of dollars and was waging legal war over the property with the village.

Freeport’s attorney told police in 2009 that Melius employed threats against him to pressure the village to settle.

How he worked his way out of the project at public expense reveals how Melius had come of age as a power broker. 

In 2009, he threw his support and contributions into the successful insurgent mayoral campaign of Andrew Hardwick. Then he quickly cemented ties with the newly elected county executive, Edward Mangano.

Their two administrations would spend a combined $11 million in public money on the property, including $6.2 million that – based on questionable valuations – Nassau County spent to buy it. And the village lawyer never pressed his complaint. He became an Oheka regular.


CHAPTER 6

A politically motivated arrest on a public bus

CHAPTER 6

A politically motivated arrest on a public bus

In 2013, Randy White, a man with a learning disability, was pulled off a bus and arrested. White wasn’t a wanted felon, but he had given testimony that jeopardized Andrew Hardwick’s third-party bid for Nassau County executive. Hardwick’s candidacy, financed largely by Melius, could have helped Nassau County Executive Edward Mangano, a Melius ally, by diverting votes from his Democratic challenger.

White testified he was paid by the signature for petitions, an election-law violation that threatened Hardwick’s candidacy. According to a report by Nassau District Attorney Kathleen Rice, Melius called his friend, Thomas Dale, the Nassau County police commissioner, and said the Hardwick campaign “wanted to file a perjury charge against” White. Officers found no evidence of perjury, but they did find an outstanding warrant issued for White’s failure to pay a fine in a misdemeanor case involving bootleg DVD sales.

Police jumped White’s warrant ahead of 50,000 others and jailed him, setting off a furor. Rice’s report found much of what happened from there troubling, but not criminal. Still, Dale resigned under pressure and his chief of detectives decided to retire rather than be demoted. White filed a lawsuit against the county, citing civil rights violations, and won a $295,000 judgment. Newsday has found unreported information raising new questions about the scandal.


CHAPTER 7

With new players, will LI’s entrenched system survive?

At its peak, Oheka Castle has been a place of celebrity weddings, pop star videos and $1,000-a-night hotel suites. It also has been Long Island’s unofficial political clubhouse, filled with party endorsement meetings, political tributes and fundraisers, exclusive poker games and man-cave cigar gatherings.

At its low point – four years ago this Saturday – Melius was nearly assassinated in its rear parking lot, in a still-unsolved crime.

A lot has happened since then. Melius says his health and finances have suffered. His bank has sued to foreclose on Oheka. And several of his friends in politics and law enforcement have been indicted or imprisoned. Newcomers, espousing reform, have emerged.

But a look at Melius’ half-century on the scene shows both his resiliency and the staying power of the entrenched and lucrative political system he travels in.

Whether Melius can rebound remains to be seen. More importantly, is it possible to fundamentally change Long Island’s troubling way of business, and, if so, how easily?


This project was reported and written by Gus Garcia-Roberts, Keith Herbert, Sandra Peddie and Will Van Sant with contributions from Aisha Al-Muslim, Matt Clark, Paul LaRocco, Maura McDermott and Adam Playford. It was edited by Martin Gottlieb and Alan Finder. Mike King and Mark Tyrrell were the copy editors; Caroline Curtin, Dorothy Levin, Laura Mann and Judy Weinberg were the researchers.

Production: Saba Ali, Jeff Basinger, Raychel Brightman, Daryl Becker, Anthony Carrozzo, Matthew Cassella, Bobby Cassidy, Tara Conry, Susan Yale, Mario Gonzalez, Joseph Hegyes, Greg Inserillo, Sumeet Kaur, John Keating, Jessica Kelley, TC McCarthy, Ryan Restivo, Chris Ware, Yeong-ung Yang

Photo credits: Michael E. Ach, Nick Cardillicchio, Bill Davis, J. Michael Dombroski, Chuck Fadely, Thomas A. Ferrara, Elliott Kaufman, Dick Kraus, Patrick E. McCarthy, Robert Mecea, Megan Miller, John Paraskevas, Jim Peppler, David L. Pokress, Alan Raia, Howard Schnapp, Barry Thumma/Associated Press, Chris Ware, J. Conrad Williams Jr., Stan Wolfson, Nassau County Government, Associated Press

Living arrangements for millennials on Long Island

More millennials on Long Island, those between the ages of 18 and 34, are living with parents, in-laws or other family members, according to a survey in the closing months of 2017 conducted for the Long Island Index, a project of The Rauch Foundation. Click on the charts below for details. Data posted on Jan. 17, 2018.

How millennials live on Long Island

Percentage in survey aged 18-34 who live with relatives, rented or owned residences.

And here’s the breakdown for everyone

Percentage in survey over age 18 who live with relatives, rented or owned residences.

More people say it’s likely they will leave Long Island

Percentage indicating how likely it is that they will leave Long Island within the next five years.

Higher percentage of younger people say they’re likely to go

Percentage indicating how likely it is that they will leave Long Island within the next five years, by age group. (Data also for N.J, and northern suburbs).

Very likelySomewhat likelyNot very likelyNot at all likely
All Long Island37%22%19%21%
   LI ages 18-3448%23%15%13%
   LI ages 35-49 36%19%21%21%
   LI ages 50-64 38%26%18%17%
   LI age 65 +21%21%21%35%
Northern suburbs32%25%15%26%
N.J. suburbs30%26%17%24%

Numbers won’t add to 100% because of rounding and because a small percentage said they didn’t know the answer. The margin of sampling error for the complete set of weighted data is ±4.1 percentage points. You can read more about the Long Island Index report here.

JavaScript charts via amCharts.com.

Katie Beers: 25 years after the Long Island girl’s kidnapping

When Katie Beers thinks about her childhood, it feels like a lifetime ago.

She has a job in insurance, a husband, two children and a comfortable home in rural Pennsylvania. She said she’s come a long way from her upbringing on Long Island and her famous kidnapping. Jan. 13 marks 25 years since she was rescued from the underground bunker in Bay Shore where a family friend held 9-year-old Beers hostage for 17 days.

Anniversaries can make her emotional, but 2018 also brings a sense of peace.

“It’s a lot different this year than it has been in prior years,” Beers, 35, said. “This is the first big anniversary where both of my abusers are deceased, so I know I don’t have that worry of either of them getting out of prison.”

John Esposito, the man convicted of kidnapping and holding Beers hostage, died in prison in September 2013. He admitted to sexually abusing Beers in a parole hearing days before his death. Sal Inghilleri, another family friend who sexually abused Beers prior to the kidnapping, died in prison in 2009.

Beers said she spent time reflecting on her life after the 20-year anniversary and wrote a book, “Buried Memories.” She does not have contact with her biological mother and brother but maintains a close relationship with her foster parents and siblings in East Hampton.

Now she’s focused on giving her children, ages 6 and 8, a childhood. When the time comes, she will tell them the full story – she said she’s talked generally about the kidnapping but not shared many details.

For now, she said she’s trying to be the best parent she can.

“I’m at the standpoint that they shouldn’t be out of my sight for extended periods of time, but I’m trying hard to not be a helicopter mom,” she said. –LAURA BLASEY

THE SAGA OF KATIE BEERS

BREAKING HER SILENCE

The following article was published Jan. 13, 2013, on the 20th anniversary of Katie Beers’ rescue. It was written by Ann Givens.

The Long Island girl whose tortured childhood culminated 20 years ago in her abduction and imprisonment for 17 days in an underground dungeon is now a married woman with two children of her own.

She has not only survived. She has prevailed. And she is finally breaking her silence.

Beers, 30, said that her horrific imprisonment in the end freed her from a childhood in which she endured neglect and sexual abuse at the hands of the adults who were supposed to protect her.

“Being abducted was probably one of the best things that could have happened to me in my life,” she said in a Newsday interview.

Sitting in the cozy, toy-filled living room of her log cabin overlooking the Pennsylvania countryside, Beers said her nationally publicized rescue on Jan. 13, 1993, opened the door to a new life with a loving foster family in East Hampton, one that allowed her to play “like any other kid,” frolicking in the snow in winter and riding her bike in the spring. At the end of a long day last week, Beers’ son Logan, 31/2, was happily playing with his favorite fire truck, Fiery Flynn, while her daughter, Halee, 17 months and in pigtails, rode through the house on her mother’s hip. Beers said when the time comes, she will tell her children what she lived through.

But she will also give them the innocence she was denied.

“If my childhood hadn’t been what it was, I wouldn’t be who I am,” Beers said. “I just accept it. If it all hadn’t happened, I wouldn’t be with my [foster] parents, I wouldn’t have my kids. It would be a whole different life.”

This week, Beers, whose oval face and deep chestnut eyes have changed little since the day America watched her get freed from her captor’s underground chamber, will release her memoir, “Buried Memories,” which she wrote with WCBS-TV reporter Carolyn Gusoff.

During the interview, Beers talked about physical and sexual abuse she said she endured beginning when she was a toddler, the terrors of the sleepless 17 days and nights she spent captive in an underground vault in Bay Shore, of the core strength that allowed her eventually to put her fear aside and how she learned to be the best mother she could be to her two children.

Beers said she has wanted to tell her extraordinary story since the day she was rescued from her dungeon, where she was held captive by a family friend named John Esposito, and into a police car in the blinding glare of press photographers’ flashbulbs. But she said she knew she needed to come to terms with her own past first.

“I wanted to graduate high school, I wanted to graduate college. I wanted to get married because I knew it was going to be a journey for me and I wanted to be sure that my roots were set,” she said. When they were, Beers started allowing the memories back in, writing them down on napkins and scraps of paper so that, once examined, she could begin to release them. “That was my healing process,” she said. “To be able to remember, but then also to forget, so the memories didn’t weigh so heavily on me.”

Sitting on the beige sofa in her home, Beers today is friendly and open, surrounded by reminders of her family life, including photos of her with her husband, Derek, beaming on their wedding day.

But she does not claim to be without scars.

“I’m very cautious about my surroundings,” Beers said. Indeed, she stands up to look out the window during the interview, thinking that she hears someone coming.

“A woman that works in the office next to me always jokes that I’m always honed in on what people are doing when they walk past her office,” said Beers, who works at an insurance company. “I try to maintain that everybody is a good person, but I still have to prepare for the worst.”

Beers said she believes she has avoided paranoia when it comes to her young children, and she hopes she can preserve that attitude as they get older.

“I don’t think right now that I’m too protective,” she said. “My son is 31/2 years old, so he shouldn’t be outside my field of vision for more than two seconds anyway. But when they’re a little bit older, sleepovers, going to friends’ houses, possibly it could be more difficult.”

When she recounts the terrors of her childhood, it seems as if Beers is speaking about events that happened to someone else. She will answer any question, yet emotionally wrestles with her past.

Beers said that in the first years she lived with her foster family in East Hampton, she was often angry and unapproachable.

She said before her first day at Springs Elementary School, teachers held an assembly warning students not to question her about what she had been through. They did anyway, but Beers said she answered all questions matter-of-factly, if tersely, and in time she became just another kid at the school.

Her foster father cooked her French toast in the mornings and her foster mother taught her for the first time how to brush her teeth. School became mandatory, where throughout her life it had been optional. And chores were assigned to teach her responsibility, not to harass her.

“Now I had to bring the laundry basket downstairs. Not do the family’s laundry,” Beers said.

By high school, she was captain of the volleyball team. She played tennis, she had a steady boyfriend.

Through years of acceptance and safety, she gradually learned to trust her foster parents, who she now refers to as Mom and Dad, her four foster siblings, her friends and, finally, even men. Beers said her foster family did not want to be interviewed for this story.

Beers maintains a limited relationship with her biological mother and her half-brother John, both of whom she’s seen a few times in recent years. For more than four years after she was rescued, Beers said she longed to live with her biological mother. But she said it was better that she had not been returned to her.

“It’s still hard to admit that she neglected me,” Beers said. “I’d still like to say, ‘Well, she was working two jobs to make a living for us.’ But it wasn’t the case. Maybe if she was around more often, the abuse wouldn’t have happened.”

BEFORE THE ABDUCTION

When Katie was 2 months old, her mother, Marilyn Beers, dropped the baby at her friend Linda Inghilleri’s apartment so she could rest, Beers said. The baby-sitting job that was supposed to last a few hours instead continued for much of the next nine years. Later, Marilyn Beers said Inghilleri, who was Katie’s godmother, refused to give her daughter back, while Inghilleri said her friend checked out of her daughter’s life.

“Before I was a parent, I might not have thought of it as that odd about living with my so-called godmother,” Beers said. “But now, if I’ve let my children sleep at their grandparents’ house, of course I’ve always gone to pick them up the next day. I don’t know how or why, or what was going through anybody’s head about it.”

By the time she was 4, little Katie was wandering the neighborhood, alone and underdressed at all hours of the night, doing the Inghilleris’ laundry and running across the busy street to buy them cigarettes and Hostess cupcakes. Beers says by the time she was a toddler, still unable to speak in sentences, she can remember Sal Inghilleri molesting her. As she got older, it happened more often, and she said he would hunt her down even when she tried to hide.

Sal Inghilleri, Linda’s husband, was convicted in 1994 of two counts of sexual abuse for molesting Katie Beers and two counts of endangering the welfare of a child. He died in state prison in 2009. At Sal Inghilleri’s trial, Beers testified about being abused by him, and of the couple’s slave-like treatment of her. She said she did not reveal the depth of her physical and sexual mistreatment until now.

“I wasn’t ready to admit to anybody, especially myself, that it happened,” she said last week.

Marilyn Beers, who lives in West Islip, declined to comment for this story. A lengthy Suffolk Family Court process begun after Katie was freed from Esposito resulted in Katie being turned over to the foster family in East Hampton. A woman who answered the door at a Nassau County address listed to Linda Inghilleri also declined to comment. Neither woman was charged with any crimes related to Katie’s treatment.

One of the peripheral figures in Katie Beers’ life was a neighbor and friend of her mother’s named John Esposito, who called himself “Big John.” The Bay Shore man had offered to be a mentor to Katie’s half-brother, John Beers, who was six years older than she and known as “Little John.”

Esposito kept his garage in Bay Shore stocked with candy and video games, and through the years the site had become a favorite place for neighborhood kids to hang out.

Years after Katie’s rescue, a stray memory from her days spent at Esposito’s home nearly knocked the teenage Katie Beers over, she writes in her book.

“Behind Big John’s house, there was a hole in the ground,” she recounts, recalling that she was about 6 or 7 at the time. “Little John and my cousin Jason were jumping in and climbing out of it. I was too small to join the guys, so I was just standing on the edge of the deep hole, laughing.”

Later, Esposito poured a concrete slab over the hole.

“I suddenly realized that I had watched the construction of the bunker that would later be my prison,” she writes.

THE ABDUCTION

In the months leading up to her 10th birthday, Beers said — in her first published interview — Esposito tried to get her alone.

Just before Beers’ birthday, when she was at the Inghilleris’ home, Esposito visited. He gave Beers a Barbie Dream House for her birthday, and then took her to a video arcade. Afterward, he took Beers back to his home, and had her play a video game while sitting on his bare mattress with the lights off and the curtains drawn, she told Newsday.

“I’m not going to hurt you, Katie,” he whispered.

Beers said Esposito then carried her, screaming, down his stairs.

As Beers watched, nearly hyperventilating with fear, Esposito unscrewed a bookshelf from his office wall, moved it aside, then rolled up the beige carpet underneath.

There Beers saw a slab of concrete with a frame around it. Esposito attached a bar with a hook to the slab and began cranking it open.

He screamed at her to get down into the hole, and threw her down when she refused.

He then followed her into the darkness and through a tunnel that led to a tiny door. Inside, there was a closet-sized room covered in cork and foam insulation. Elevated off the floor was a coffin-like cabinet with a television at one end secured with a padlock.

Esposito ordered Beers to climb into the cabinet, where he fastened a chain around her neck.

“When am I going home?” Beers said she asked.

“This is your new home now,” he answered.

For the next 17 days, Beers lay awake in the box, unwilling to close her eyes for more than a few minutes at a time. She feared that if Esposito found her sleeping he would hurt her, or do as he had threatened and take a photograph of her sleeping to leak to police to convince them that she was dead so they would stop searching for her.

KATIE’S PRISON

During those endless days, Beers watched news accounts of police looking for her, and her mother and half-brother begging for her return. She kissed their faces on the TV screen, she said.

When Esposito descended into the hole, he’d bring her soda and candy. Other food she would refuse for fear that it was poisoned. After Eight mints are a taste that still makes Beers gag with the remembrance of her torture, she said.

In writing the book, Gusoff, who had covered Beers’ disappearance when it happened, was allowed to listen to a chilling relic from Beers’ imprisonment: voice-activated tapes Esposito made of his conversations with her in the dungeon. Beers herself has never heard them, nor does she want to.

The tapes, which were discussed during Esposito’s trial, contain the sounds of Katie sobbing and singing happy birthday to herself. And Esposito can be heard on the tape worrying aloud that he will be caught. He tells Beers that he might kill himself, but promises that he would leave a note on his body telling police where to find her.

KATIE’S RESCUE

Finally one day, Beers heard Esposito coming into the underground chamber. This time, he was not alone. Esposito had been a suspect in the case ever since he reported her missing from the video arcade, and at last he had admitted to his lawyer that he was holding the girl.

As Esposito descended to the dungeon for the last time, he was followed by two men wearing suits. Beers was so broken and scarred by then that her first thought was that Esposito had brought friends who wanted to hurt her, too.

“So I stayed put, frozen,” Beers says in the book.

Reaching out to help her, the men announced they were police.

At Esposito’s 1994 trial, Suffolk prosecutors said Esposito sexually abused Beers repeatedly during her captivity. Beers told officials at a 2007 parole hearing that she had been raped, according to a transcript.

In a plea agreement, Esposito, who declined to be interviewed for this story, pleaded guilty to kidnapping charges and was sentenced to 15 years to life. He remains in jail. At a 2007 parole hearing, he said that he never sexually assaulted Beers.

In last week’s interview and in her book, Beers said that Esposito and Sal Inghilleri had raped her.

Within hours of her rescue, Beers was interviewed intensely by Suffolk police who wanted details of the crime while they were fresh in the child’s mind.

In tapes of those interviews she listened to, Gusoff said in the book that Beers sounded “chipper,” humming to herself amid the questions by detectives.

“You’re pretty smart, you know,” Special Victims Det. Deborah Tyrell told the child, according to the book.

Interviewed by Gusoff years later, now retired Suffolk Chief of Detectives Dominick Varrone, who led the kidnap team in Beers’ disappearance, said that spark gave police faith that, in the long run, Beers would not only survive, but thrive.

“It was an all-consuming case,” Varrone told Newsday last week. “When you have a situation like that, a child out there who needs your help, it takes over your life. It was a very intense time, and we’re lucky it turned out the way that it did. This story has a happy ending.”

Plastic bags: Your cost vs. your impact

If Suffolk County stores had a nickel for every time a customer used a plastic bag — actually, now they do.

Jan. 1 marked the start of Suffolk County’s new 5-cent bag fee, a law requiring stores to charge customers for disposable bags, including plastic and paper. Lawmakers and supporters said they’re trying to minimize waste.

In early May, minority Democrats in the Nassau Legislature proposed legislation to mandate a 5-cent fee at checkout for disposable shopping bags. But Republican Presiding Officer Richard Nicolello (R-New Hyde Park) has criticized the proposal as a “burden on taxpayers.”

Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo has also proposed a statewide ban on plastic shopping bags.

But what would it cost consumers to keep using plastic bags?

Calculate your cost

Enter the number of plastic bags you use during a normal week.

In a year, you’ll spend $26.00 on grocery bags

You’ll use 520 grocery bags

Of course, it’s that sheer number of grocery bags used — and their impact on the environment — that pushed lawmakers to institute the fee.

But even consumers who make the switch to reusable are not entirely off the hook. Reusable bags, including fabric, paper, and plastic, have a carbon footprint, too.

Here’s a snapshot of your own annual environmental impact if you use plastic vs. reusable:

These calculations are based on a 2014 study by Clemson University’s Center for Flexible Packaging taking into account the whole lifecycle of the bag, from manufacturing to shipping and disposal. The study found that shoppers used about seven reusable bags for every 10 plastic bags per trip. Your impact will vary depending on which kind and how many reusable bags you actually use. The calculations below assume you can reuse your non-plastic bags all year.

If you are using plastic bags per week, you will need 520

If you are using reusable bags, you will need 7

Emissions

Using 520 plastic bags will create emissions equal to burning 13.43 pounds of coal (12.27 kg CO2)

Using 7 reusable bags will create emissions equal to burning 3.10 pounds of coal (2.83 kg CO2)

Water

Using 520 plastic bags will require 5.77 gallons of water

Using 7 reusable bags will require 10.02 gallons of water

Fossil Fuels

Using 520 plastic bags will require the same amount of fossil fuels as driving 52.99 miles (7.32 kg oil)

Using 7 reusable bags will require the same amount of fossil fuels as driving 8.39 miles (1.16 kg oil)

The analysis from Clemson University focused on polyethylene bags with no recycled content and reusable non-woven polypropylene bags. The study estimated shoppers would need to use their reusable bags at least 22 times to lessen their environmental impact. They found the impact on water usage was particularly high for the reusable bags sold at most grocery stores because of the water used to grow and process the cotton used in the bag’s stitching.

The Clemson research was funded by plastic bag manufacturer Hilex Poly and conducted by packaging science faculty in the Center for Flexible Packaging and was peer reviewed. Its findings line up with those of similar assessments, including a widely-cited study by the United Kingdom’s Environment Agency. The UK study was cited in a recent report from the New York State Plastic Bag Task Force.

Future of DACA in limbo: What you need to know

UPDATE: Federal judge temporarily blocks decision ending DACA

U.S. District Judge William Alsup temporarily blocked the Trump administration’s decision to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which protects young immigrants from deportation.

In his ruling, Alsup granted a request by California and other plaintiffs to prevent the programs end while their lawsuits play out in court. The federal judge said lawyers in favor of DACA clearly demonstrated that the young immigrants “were likely to suffer serious, irreparable harm” without court action.

He also said the lawyers have a strong chance of succeeding at trial.


In September, the Trump administration announced it will wind down the Obama-era program that protects young immigrants from deportation.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions called the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, known as DACA, an “unconstitutional exercise of authority by the executive branch.”

He said the Trump administration was urging Congress to find an alternate way to protect young immigrants brought into the country illegally as children.

Nearly 800,000 young immigrants are covered under DACA.

In many cases, these are people, known as Dreamers, who have grown up attending American schools, speaking English and identifying the United States as their home country. They are currently between the ages of 15 and 36.

With about 42,000 in New York, and up to 14,000 on Long Island.

About 14,000 Dreamers on Long Island were eligible for the program when it rolled out, though it’s not clear how many of them applied and were accepted.

The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services agency hasn’t disclosed numbers by region, but it’s counted Salvadorans and Hondurans among top recipients of DACA status and those communities have a significant presence on Long Island. Hundreds of high school students have been attending a yearly Dreamers’ conference organized by immigrant youth advocates to encourage them to pursue a college education and join advocacy efforts.

Those protected were brought here by their parents, or overstayed visas, when they were children. They attend school, have graduated or obtained an equivalent certificate.

DACA beneficiaries are immigrants who had arrived in the United States before they turned 16 years old; have lived in the country continuously since at least June 15, 2007, and were in the country as of June 15, 2012, by which date they had to be under the age of 31. They are required to either be attending school, to have graduated from high school or to have obtained a high school equivalency certificate.

Alternatively, they are accepted for deferred action if they had been honorably discharged from the Coast Guard or Armed Forces. Anyone convicted of a felony; a misdemeanor deemed significant or three or more other misdemeanors, or who is considered to pose a threat to national security or public safety was excluded from the program.

New York is among a handful of states that allows those DACA recipients to obtain professional licenses and work in the fields they’re qualified for when they graduate from school.

Young Latinos will be most affected.

Dreamers tend to be mostly Latino youth, with Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans and Hondurans being the top recipients of the deferred action.

Now, the fate of Dreamers is with Congress.

Congress has been given six months to find a legislative solution to protect Dreamers.

But it’s unclear how that would play out.

Such an approach — essentially kicking the can down the road and letting Congress deal with it— is fraught with uncertainty and political perils that amount, according to one vocal opponent, to “Republican suicide.”

Still other Republicans say they are ready to take on a topic that has proven a non-starter and career-breaker for decades.

“If President Trump makes this decision we will work to find a legislative solution to their dilemma,” said Republican Sen. Lindsay Graham.

In the meantime, Dreamers will keep their current protections until their DACA documents expire.

DACA protections will not be immediately cut off. Current DACA recipients will be allowed to retain their period of deferred action and their ability to work until their current documents expire — up to two years from today. Applications already in the pipeline will be processed, as will renewal applications for those facing near-term expiration.

But new applications will not be accepted.

In addition, Trump said he advised the Department of Homeland Security that DACA recipients are not enforcement priorities unless they are criminals, are involved in criminal activity, or are members of a gang.

The Department of Homeland Security answers additional questions here.

In New York, officials plan to sue to protect Dreamers, and many took to the streets to protest.

Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman said Monday that New York State would sue the federal government if Trump ends DACA.

“If he moves forward with this cruel action, New York State will sue to protect the ‘Dreamers’ and the state’s sovereign interest in the fair and equal application of the law,” Cuomo said in a news release.

Shouting “undocumented, unafraid,” some 200 protesters marched in front of Trump Tower Tuesday morning to support upholding DACA. Nearly a dozen were arrested after they linked hands and formed a human chain that blocked traffic along 56th Street and Fifth Avenue for nearly 10 minutes.

Click here for more on the DACA announcement.

Sources: The White House; U.S. Department of Homeland Security; Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo’s office; Migration Policy Institute in Washington, D.C.

About Newsday Opinion

The opinion section operates independently of the news-gathering process. It’s responsible for editorials, commentary, editorial cartoons, op-eds and letters to the editor.

The opinion pages are separate, independent and distinct from the paper’s newsroom. For instance, candidate endorsements or a stance on a development project, are the sole opinion of the Newsday Editorial Board. In other words, newsroom personnel – editors, reporters and photographers – are never part of the decision-making that goes into editorial positions. Our decisions are not influenced by the newspaper’s owners, who are not involved in this process.

We hope the following helps you get familiarized with the board and helps explain the difference among our features.

Editorials

Editorials are the consensus position of the Newsday Editorial Board. Editorials are not individually bylined because they represent a collective, institutional view. The Newsday Editorial Board meets daily to discuss news events and ideas, and to reach a consensus position. The editorial writers have areas of expertise and interest, or can be assigned an editorial. The editorial board often meets with community and interest groups that ask the board to support their causes. Editorial writers, all of whom are experienced journalists, conduct their own reporting. Click here to meet the members of the editorial board.

The editorial cartoon

Cartoonist Matt Davies draws an original cartoon six days a week. Two other cartoonists, Jimmy Margulies and Matt Bodkin, contribute regularly. We also subscribe to many cartoon syndicates in order to bring our audience diverse views and artwork on the news of the day.

Columnists

These are the personal views of opinion staff members and writers under contract to the department. Their work appears on a regular basis.

Op-eds

An abbreviation for “opposite the editorials,” these pieces do not reflect Newsday’s institutional viewpoint. We strive to publish pieces that offer contrary or alternative views, written by authors with expertise on topics relevant to our readers. We solicit these pieces, but also accept submissions.

Letters to the editor

Our letters section is a forum for readers to comment on the news, or to respond to our commentary. Because of the large volume of letters received, Newsday Letters Editor Anne Michaud cannot individually answer all of them. Click here to submit a letter.

Just Sayin’

This Saturday feature invites readers to introduce a public policy matter beyond what is covered in Newsday. Keep your contribution to Just Sayin’ to 200 words and email it to letters@newsday.com, and mention Just Sayin’ in the subject field.

Expressway

Expressway is a reader-written essay about life on Long Island. Submissions (about 540 words) can be emailed to expressway@newsday.com. If there are relevant photos that enhance your story, please include them with your submission.

The Point

The Point is the editorial board’s daily newsletter, which takes you behind closed doors into the New York political scene. It’s a must-read for those who want exclusive insights into local, city and state politics as well as policy. Sign up here.

Meet the Newsday Editorial Board

The editorial board strives to be a reasoned and pragmatic advocate for Long Island and its values. We have decades of combined experience covering local, national and international issues, and board members debate divisive topics daily before coming to a collective opinion in our editorials.


Rita Ciolli Editor

Rita F. Ciolli’s career at Newsday spans five decades. She is Editor of the Editorial and Opinion pages for Newsday, and as a leader in the organization she serves on the Executive Committee of Newsday Media Group. The Bronx girl began her career at Newsday as a summer intern in 1972. Two years later, during her senior year at Fordham University, she became a full-time reporter covering the Town of Hempstead. (And lately, she still is spending a lot of time covering the town.) After graduating from Georgetown Law in 1977, she returned to Newsday as a specialist on the legal beat, a smart decision because the love of her life was to be found in the paper’s Garden City office. In 1983, Ciolli was awarded a fellowship from The Alicia Patterson Foundation to take national the Newsday reporting she had done on the attempt by the Island Trees school district to ban nine books from its library. She has received multiple awards for her reporting and editorial writing. Ciolli’s assignments include almost a decade at Newsday’s Washington bureau assigned to the U.S. Supreme Court, Justice Department and FBI. After a long stint as a media and technology reporter, she was assigned to cover the Catholic Church’s sexual abuse scandal. She joined the Editorial Board in 2005, and two years later took over as its head. Under her leadership, the board has expanded its digital and print offerings in addition to winning numerous awards. In 2013, Newsday’s editorials about the help Long Island needed after Superstorm Sandy’s devastation were recognized as finalists for the Pulitzer Prize.

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Matt Davies Cartoonist

Matt Davies is Newsday’s Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist. He won the inaugural Herblock Prize a year after Herblock’s death, received the RFK journalism prize, a National Headliner Award and a bunch of other equally unexpected shiny professional affirmations. Reluctant to do the work of grown-ups, Davies is also a children’s book author and illustrator. Born in London in 1966, Davies emigrated to the United States with his mom, dad, sister and their dog in 1983, and has somehow not manage to completely shake his Brit accent. He studied illustration and fine art at The Savannah College of Art & Design (GA) and The School of Visual Arts in New York City. After a couple of vagabond NYC freelance years dreaming of a future as a notorious syndicated political cartoonist, he began drawing editorial cartoons full time for The Journal News in Westchester County in 1993, and never looked back. Matt moved to a sand bar on Long Island with his wife and children in 2016, and still gets hopelessly lost driving to Newsday’s offices.

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Michael Dobie Editorial Writer

Michael Dobie joined the editorial board in 2013. He covers environmental issues, local government and local education, and a variety of national issues, writes about notable deaths ranging from John Glenn to Prince to Charles Manson, and produces occasional political-themed crossword puzzles for the board’s newsletter, The Point. He joined Newsday as a sports reporter in 1989 and became enterprise editor for sports in 2005. He moved to the local news desk in 2006 and served as education editor before coordinating the newspaper’s towns coverage. Dobie earned a B.A. in English from New York University, where he worked as an administrator before becoming a journalist.

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Amanda Fiscina-Wells Editor, Platforms and Strategy

Amanda Fiscina-Wells uses digital tools to amplify the board’s message online and to connect with readers. A lifelong Long Islander, she left Massapequa for Fordham University, but returned after graduation to work for local weekly papers and Patch.com. She escaped again to attend Columbia’s University’s Graduate School of Journalism and to work for Aol/Huffington Post Media Group in New York City, but missed the dramatic village and school board meetings and was back to work at Newsday in 2014. Her interests include running and reading on South Shore beaches and advocating for a healthy and smart future for the suburb that keeps pulling her back.

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Dan Janison Editorial Writer

Dan Janison has reported, edited, and written columns for Newsday since 1997, first from New York City and later from Long Island. News beats have included the New York State Capitol and City Hall, and reporting on big events included the 9/11 attacks as well as campaigns for president, governor and mayor. In cyberspace he wrote and helped curate the SpinCycle and 1600 features from the newsroom. Prior to Newsday he worked at several other New York newspapers. He appreciates the ironical point of view and has been known to indulge in it from time to time.

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Thomas Maier Editorial Writer

Thomas Maier joined Newsday in 1984 and was an award-winning investigative reporter for many years. He is the author of seven books, including “Masters of Sex’, made into a Showtime television drama, and “Mafia Spies”, a six-part Paramount+ documentary series appearing in early 2024. Maier has won the national Sigma Delta Chi Award twice, National Headliners Award, Worth Bingham Award and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists Daniel Pearl Award. in 2022 he won the New York Press Club Award for the third year in a row and won a NY Emmy for a documentary about an innocent man imprisoned for 33 years. In 2022, he won the Columbia University Journalism School Alumni Award for career achievement.


Randi F. Marshall Editorial Writer

Randi F. Marshall started at Newsday just weeks after college graduation more than 20 years ago, putting off unemployment to become a summer intern on the newspaper’s business desk. Lucky for her, Newsday decided to keep her around even after summer turned to fall. After a few years of writing about home ownership before she even owned a home, and covering what seemed like monthly bank mergers and hostile takeovers, Randi took a two-year break from journalism to attend graduate school, and she received her Master of Public Administration at Columbia University. But after realizing the public sector wasn’t for her, Randi returned to Newsday to cover the economy, biotechnology and a host of other business issues on Long Island and in New York City. After eight years on Newsday’s investigations team, where she found the most difficult part of her job was juggling parenthood, mortgage meltdowns and the future of the New York Islanders, Randi joined the editorial board in 2015. Randi’s other job is being mommy to a 17-year-old city kid, but in whatever spare time she has, she cheers for the Mets and the University of Pennsylvania Quakers, loves to read and explore the region, and enjoys all things Broadway and Disney.

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Nirmal Mitra News Editor

Nirmal Mitra joined the editorial board in July 2021 and handles copyediting, and digital and print production. He migrated as a midcareer journalist from India after his reporting on child labor, police atrocities and social and political ills in India won him a scholarship at the United Nations and then a Reuter/Knight Fellowship at Stanford. Three years covering the UN and the Indian American community for NYC-based weekly India Abroad proved an invaluable experience: He worked with retired editors from The New York Times, and eventually took the plunge into mainstream American journalism, starting with the Poughkeepsie Journal, where he joined as assistant news editor on the night desk. Then followed stints at the Times Herald-Record in Middletown and at the Courier-Post in Cherry Hill, New Jersey, where he won a Rising Star award for his editing of storm coverage and other enterprise stories. A sojourn at the Asbury Park Press, New Jersey, preceded his move to Newsday’s short-lived Newsday Westchester website covering the Hudson Valley in 2012, and eventually to Newsday’s copy desk in Melville, where he won a Deadline Club second-place award for headline writing. He worked as interim real estate editor during the pandemic directing coverage during a crucial period for the Long Island real estate market. Nirmal is an avid sketcher, works mostly with pen and watercolor and has done illustrations for several newspapers.

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Karthika NamboothiriData Solutions Journalist

Karthika Namboothiri is the Data Solutions Journalist at the editorial board and can almost always be found scouring for interesting data and maps. She started her career as a business reporter at Reuters in her home-country India and fell in love with the possibility of finding stories hidden in the numbers she was staring at every day. This prompted her to move to New York in the middle of the pandemic to pursue a master’s degree in data journalism at Columbia University where she was a recipient of the Shobhana Bhartia Fellowship. After graduating in 2021, Karthika worked at the graphics desk at The San Diego Union-Tribune in sunny California and reported on wildfires, local droughts and housing woes, before heading back east to join Newsday in 2023. In her spare time, she enjoys exploring museums and reinventing vegan food recipes.

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