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Podcast – Chapter 3

Newsday and Levittown | Chapter 3: Peaches and yards

The storage attic in Newsday’s former Melville building was not a place for public display. It was cold and drafty, a door open to the elements. A fire proofing substance haphazardly lined the walls. But the material there was important not just to Newsday, but Long Islanders: the paper’s archives, including hundreds of interview tapes about Newsday and Long Island history.

I went up to the attic to learn more about why Newsday’s editorial board was muted for years about racial covenants in Levittown, a question prompted by the paper’s just-released investigation into real estate practices in the present day.

What I found is the subject of the Newsday Opinion podcast, “Newsday and Levittown,” co-produced with Amanda Fiscina.

Many of the tapes from the attic deal with Newsday’s founder, Alicia Patterson, a pioneering female publisher, pilot and high-society staple: “Sort of a princess,” one employee calls her in a marveling tone. “She was used to a woman having to make her point more precisely than a man would,” remembers a friend in another tape. It was Patterson who made many of the early decisions about the paper’s crusades.

The crusades worked, including the one to encourage more housing for veterans after World War II.

This is how Newsday’s history intersects with Levittown’s, a story told in the tapes, scratchy with age. Patterson decided that people needed houses, and that builder William Levitt was just what Long Island needed. So Patterson put her might behind him.

She did so by campaigning for a change in local building codes, eliminating the requirement for a basement, to smooth the way for Levitt’s project.

“Newsday jumped into the fight on the side of the veterans,” a Newsday promotional video from the 1960s says, triumphant old-timey music playing in the background (you can hear an excerpt in the podcast). The editorial board encouraged readers to come out to a Hempstead Town Board meeting to show their support for the houses, too.

“None of us will ever forget that meeting. Thousands of veterans answered Newsday’s call,” the promotional video cheers.

It was a prime example of Patterson’s fighting spirit and the way she made her paper into a fighter, too.

“There was a crusading spirit on the entire newspaper and I loved it, I just thought it was wonderful,” says Robert Caro, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and former Newsday reporter, in one of the tapes.

She was a fierce advocate for Long Island. “She wanted it to have a zoo, she wanted it to have housing, she wanted it to have good streets,” chimes in her friend Phyllis Cerf Wagner. “I mean she just absolutely adored Long Island. It was her child, as the newspaper was her child.”

But the crusading flagged when it came to challenging Levitt, editorial writer Hal Burton says in another tape.

That included, crucially, when Levitt was discriminating against black homeseekers. Newsday’s editorial board at first said there was nothing much to see there.

Why?

The tapes give some suggestions: “She felt strongly on social justice, except for the blacks,” says Burton.

But it’s more complicated than that. As former editorial board member Robert Keeler describes in his 1990 history “Newsday,” for which he recorded and used most of those tapes tucked away in the attic, Patterson had a mixed record on discrimination apart from Levittown. She called out others’ racism and pushed for more Jewish immigration at the dawn of World War II when so many were trying to escape the Nazis. It was a tragically uncommon position.

So our podcast looks at other factors: the way that the growth of the suburbs encouraged by Levitt and Newsday was key to Newsday’s business. How the paper’s stance was in some ways sadly the norm for the time.

But that’s just half the story. To see what effect all this had, I left the attic and started making new recordings. I talked to people who live in Levittown now, and others who wanted to but couldn’t.

On this podcast, you’ll hear from a white family from the Bronx that had a house all set in Levittown but turned it down when they learned about the discrimination on display. Academics discuss the home values black residents missed out on when they couldn’t buy into up-and-coming Levittown.

And there’s a conversation from a meeting of the Levittown Historical Society, in the lower part of a school off Abbey Lane marked by suburban memorabilia and old photos. It was one of various times residents talked to me candidly about the beauties of life in Levittown, peach trees and open yards, everything Levittown represented and offered for families looking to start out on their own, and what it has meant over the years even as some have been excluded. Because the debates over Levittown, more than 70 years later, are still ongoing.

And Newsday, then and now, has been a part of it.


Hosted by Mark Chiusano, a member of the Newsday editorial board. Produced by Amanda Fiscina.

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Levittown Historical Society

Elaine Gross

Elaine Gross, Erase Racism

Louise Cassano

Louise Cassano

Weiss

Morty Weiss and his wife.

Weiss

Weiss

Levittown Historical Society

Cotter family

Cotter Family

Elaine Gross

Elaine Gross, Erase Racism

Newsday

A World Apart Newsday series 1990

Joshua Ruff

Joshua Ruff, Long Island Museum

Louise Cassano

Louise Cassano

Thomas

Kevin Thomas

Manton

Paul Manton, Levittown Historical Society

Manton

Paul Manton, Levittown Historical Society

Chiusano

Mark Chiusano, Host

Podcast – Chapter 2

Newsday and Levittown Chapter 2: Alicia Patterson and Levittown

The storage attic in Newsday’s former Melville building was not a place for public display. It was cold and drafty, a door open to the elements. A fire proofing substance haphazardly lined the walls. But the material there was important not just to Newsday, but Long Islanders: the paper’s archives, including hundreds of interview tapes about Newsday and Long Island history.

I went up to the attic to learn more about why Newsday’s editorial board was muted for years about racial covenants in Levittown, a question prompted by the paper’s just-released investigation into real estate practices in the present day.

What I found is the subject of the Newsday Opinion podcast, “Newsday and Levittown,” co-produced with Amanda Fiscina.

Many of the tapes from the attic deal with Newsday’s founder, Alicia Patterson, a pioneering female publisher, pilot and high-society staple: “Sort of a princess,” one employee calls her in a marveling tone. “She was used to a woman having to make her point more precisely than a man would,” remembers a friend in another tape. It was Patterson who made many of the early decisions about the paper’s crusades.

The crusades worked, including the one to encourage more housing for veterans after World War II.

This is how Newsday’s history intersects with Levittown’s, a story told in the tapes, scratchy with age. Patterson decided that people needed houses, and that builder William Levitt was just what Long Island needed. So Patterson put her might behind him.

She did so by campaigning for a change in local building codes, eliminating the requirement for a basement, to smooth the way for Levitt’s project.

“Newsday jumped into the fight on the side of the veterans,” a Newsday promotional video from the 1960s says, triumphant old-timey music playing in the background (you can hear an excerpt in the podcast). The editorial board encouraged readers to come out to a Hempstead Town Board meeting to show their support for the houses, too.

“None of us will ever forget that meeting. Thousands of veterans answered Newsday’s call,” the promotional video cheers.

It was a prime example of Patterson’s fighting spirit and the way she made her paper into a fighter, too.

“There was a crusading spirit on the entire newspaper and I loved it, I just thought it was wonderful,” says Robert Caro, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and former Newsday reporter, in one of the tapes.

She was a fierce advocate for Long Island. “She wanted it to have a zoo, she wanted it to have housing, she wanted it to have good streets,” chimes in her friend Phyllis Cerf Wagner. “I mean she just absolutely adored Long Island. It was her child, as the newspaper was her child.”

But the crusading flagged when it came to challenging Levitt, editorial writer Hal Burton says in another tape.

That included, crucially, when Levitt was discriminating against black homeseekers. Newsday’s editorial board at first said there was nothing much to see there.

Why?

The tapes give some suggestions: “She felt strongly on social justice, except for the blacks,” says Burton.

But it’s more complicated than that. As former editorial board member Robert Keeler describes in his 1990 history “Newsday,” for which he recorded and used most of those tapes tucked away in the attic, Patterson had a mixed record on discrimination apart from Levittown. She called out others’ racism and pushed for more Jewish immigration at the dawn of World War II when so many were trying to escape the Nazis. It was a tragically uncommon position.

So our podcast looks at other factors: the way that the growth of the suburbs encouraged by Levitt and Newsday was key to Newsday’s business. How the paper’s stance was in some ways sadly the norm for the time.

But that’s just half the story. To see what effect all this had, I left the attic and started making new recordings. I talked to people who live in Levittown now, and others who wanted to but couldn’t.

On this podcast, you’ll hear from a white family from the Bronx that had a house all set in Levittown but turned it down when they learned about the discrimination on display. Academics discuss the home values black residents missed out on when they couldn’t buy into up-and-coming Levittown.

And there’s a conversation from a meeting of the Levittown Historical Society, in the lower part of a school off Abbey Lane marked by suburban memorabilia and old photos. It was one of various times residents talked to me candidly about the beauties of life in Levittown, peach trees and open yards, everything Levittown represented and offered for families looking to start out on their own, and what it has meant over the years even as some have been excluded. Because the debates over Levittown, more than 70 years later, are still ongoing.

And Newsday, then and now, has been a part of it.


Hosted by Mark Chiusano, a member of the Newsday editorial board. Produced by Amanda Fiscina.

Levittown

Credit: Joe Dombroski/Newsday

Editorial

Newsday editorial 1949

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Editorial

Newsday editorial 1953

Editorial

Newsday editorial 1949

Keeler

Bob Keeler

Editorial

Newsday editorial 1961

Editorial

New York Amsterdam News

Alicia Patterson

Alicia Patterson

Editorial

Newsday editorial 1947

Burton

Hal Burton

LI Divided

Long Island Divided Newsday series

NY Times Ad

New York Times Ad

Letter

Newsday letter to the editor 1948

Podcast – Chapter 1

Newsday and Levittown | Chapter 1: Newsday blinks

The storage attic in Newsday’s former Melville building was not a place for public display. It was cold and drafty, a door open to the elements. A fire proofing substance haphazardly lined the walls.But the material there was important not just to Newsday, but Long Islanders: the paper’s archives, including hundreds of interview tapes about Newsday and Long Island history.

I went up to the attic to learn more about why Newsday’s editorial board was muted for years about racial covenants in Levittown, a question prompted by the paper’s just-released investigation into real estate practices in the present day.

What I found is the subject of the Newsday Opinion podcast, “Newsday and Levittown,” co-produced with Amanda Fiscina.

Many of the tapes from the attic deal with Newsday’s founder, Alicia Patterson, a pioneering female publisher, pilot and high-society staple: “Sort of a princess,” one employee calls her in a marveling tone. “She was used to a woman having to make her point more precisely than a man would,” remembers a friend in another tape. It was Patterson who made many of the early decisions about the paper’s crusades.

The crusades worked, including the one to encourage more housing for veterans after World War II.

This is how Newsday’s history intersects with Levittown’s, a story told in the tapes, scratchy with age. Patterson decided that people needed houses, and that builder William Levitt was just what Long Island needed. So Patterson put her might behind him.

She did so by campaigning for a change in local building codes, eliminating the requirement for a basement, to smooth the way for Levitt’s project.

“Newsday jumped into the fight on the side of the veterans,” a Newsday promotional video from the 1960s says, triumphant old-timey music playing in the background (you can hear an excerpt in the podcast). The editorial board encouraged readers to come out to a Hempstead Town Board meeting to show their support for the houses, too.

“None of us will ever forget that meeting. Thousands of veterans answered Newsday’s call,” the promotional video cheers.

It was a prime example of Patterson’s fighting spirit and the way she made her paper into a fighter, too.

“There was a crusading spirit on the entire newspaper and I loved it, I just thought it was wonderful,” says Robert Caro, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and former Newsday reporter, in one of the tapes.

She was a fierce advocate for Long Island. “She wanted it to have a zoo, she wanted it to have housing, she wanted it to have good streets,” chimes in her friend Phyllis Cerf Wagner. “I mean she just absolutely adored Long Island. It was her child, as the newspaper was her child.”

But the crusading flagged when it came to challenging Levitt, editorial writer Hal Burton says in another tape.

That included, crucially, when Levitt was discriminating against black homeseekers. Newsday’s editorial board at first said there was nothing much to see there.

Why?

The tapes give some suggestions: “She felt strongly on social justice, except for the blacks,” says Burton.

But it’s more complicated than that. As former editorial board member Robert Keeler describes in his 1990 history “Newsday,” for which he recorded and used most of those tapes tucked away in the attic, Patterson had a mixed record on discrimination apart from Levittown. She called out others’ racism and pushed for more Jewish immigration at the dawn of World War II when so many were trying to escape the Nazis. It was a tragically uncommon position.

So our podcast looks at other factors: the way that the growth of the suburbs encouraged by Levitt and Newsday was key to Newsday’s business. How the paper’s stance was in some ways sadly the norm for the time.

But that’s just half the story. To see what effect all this had, I left the attic and started making new recordings. I talked to people who live in Levittown now, and others who wanted to but couldn’t.

On this podcast, you’ll hear from a white family from the Bronx that had a house all set in Levittown but turned it down when they learned about the discrimination on display. Academics discuss the home values black residents missed out on when they couldn’t buy into up-and-coming Levittown.

And there’s a conversation from a meeting of the Levittown Historical Society, in the lower part of a school off Abbey Lane marked by suburban memorabilia and old photos. It was one of various times residents talked to me candidly about the beauties of life in Levittown, peach trees and open yards, everything Levittown represented and offered for families looking to start out on their own, and what it has meant over the years even as some have been excluded. Because the debates over Levittown, more than 70 years later, are still ongoing.

And Newsday, then and now, has been a part of it.


Hosted by Mark Chiusano, a member of the Newsday editorial board. Produced by Amanda Fiscina.

Levittown Water Tower

Levittown Water Tower

Phyllis, William Jr., John, and Mr. and Mrs. William Cotter. Credit: Jim O’Rourke/Newsday

Bill Levitt. Credit: Dan Sheehan/Newsday

Christopher Neidt

Christopher Neidt

The Cotter house in 1953.

Long Islanded Divided series by Newsday.

Newsday editorial, 1949

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Joshua Ruff

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Herbie Wheeler

Herbie Wheeler

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Dateline: Long Island/Hartley Productions

Letter to the editor October 1947

Letter to the editor October 1947

Newsday editorial board response 1947

Newsday editorial board response 1947

Original Levittown lease in archive

Original Levittown lease. Credit: Levittown Historial Society

Newsday editorial 1949

Newsday editorial 1949

Editorial August 1948

Newsday editorial 1949

Editorial August 1948

Newsday editorial 1948

Editorial 1957 10 years later

Newsday editorial 1957

Long Island Divided

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In one of the most concentrated investigations of discrimination by real estate agents in the half century since enactment of America’s landmark fair housing law, Newsday found evidence of widespread separate and unequal treatment of minority potential homebuyers and minority communities on Long Island.

The three-year probe strongly indicates that house hunting in one of the nation’s most segregated suburbs poses substantial risks of discrimination, with black buyers chancing disadvantages almost half the time they enlist brokers.

Additionally, the investigation reveals that Long Island’s dominant residential brokering firms help solidify racial separations. They frequently directed white customers toward areas with the highest white representations and minority buyers to more integrated neighborhoods.

They also avoided business in communities with overwhelmingly minority populations.

From the editor
Read more Read less

What happens when white and minority prospective homebuyers seek real estate agents to help them find houses on Long Island?

More than 50 years after President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the federal Fair Housing Act to prohibit discrimination in housing, this remains a core question for one of America’s oldest, most populous and most segregated suburbs.

The answer should be equal treatment for all by real estate agents and equal access for all communities.

In the decades after World War II, Long Island experienced explosive growth as its communities swelled with returning veterans investing in homes and establishing roots. But opportunities were not the same for everyone in what was also an era of racially exclusive covenants and blockbusting tactics that separated communities along color lines.

Today, even though ours is an increasingly diverse region, the lines of separation stubbornly persist. We remain a Long Island Divided.

Real estate agents are central to homebuying and so important is their role that their training is specified by New York state. They are licensed by the state and their industry is regulated by federal and state agencies. They are expected to uphold federal, state and local laws requiring equal treatment for all and equal access to all communities. Federal law specifically protects homebuyers from discrimination based on race, color, national origin, religion, sex, familial status and disability.

Enforcement agencies rely on undercover tests — which reveal sometimes hidden inequalities in treatment — to investigate whether real estate agents deny equal opportunities in home buying. Posing as buyers, white and minority testers make identical requests to agents for help finding houses. The results are then scrutinized for evidence of fair housing violations such as “steering” testers to communities.

Newsday found that authorities had not conducted significant government fair housing testing among Long Island’s 27,000 licensed real estate agents for almost a decade.

So we undertook the task in a three-year investigation that is one of the most extensive ever conducted by Newsday.

Newsday engaged the Fair Housing Justice Center in Long Island City, an organization with the nation’s most extensive paired-testing experience, to help structure and implement testing and train testers. We engaged two nationally recognized experts in fair housing standards to analyze the results of our testing and then undertook a rigorous and thorough review of the findings.

We then notified all agents and agencies that were tested. If both experts found evidence of unequal treatment, Newsday contacted the real estate agencies and agents involved to make available a review of video we recorded of interactions among testers and agent and maps of listings offered. We invited them to meet with our reporting team to ask questions and to seek their reactions and responses. The Newsday team then reviewed the cases based on responses from agencies, agents and their representatives.

Our digital presentation provides readers access to our testing videos of interactions in cases where experts saw evidence of fair housing violations, mapping of listings when cited as relevant by experts, real estate agent and agency responses and the experts’ explanations.

Newsday shares the findings with you our readers to help illuminate an American ideal that is powerful in its simplicity — everyone deserves a fair shot at making a better life. That is a cornerstone to creating a stronger, more inclusive and more tolerant place to live for all of us.

– Deborah Henley, Editor

The findings are the product of a paired-testing effort comparable on a local scale to once-a-decade testing performed by the federal government in measuring the extent of racial discrimination in housing nationwide.

Regularly endorsed by federal and state courts, paired testing is recognized as the sole viable method for detecting violations of fair housing laws by agents.

Two undercover testers – for example, one black and one white – separately solicit an agent’s assistance in buying houses. They present similar financial profiles and request identical terms for houses in the same areas. The agent’s actions are then reviewed for evidence that the agent provided disparate service.

Newsday conducted 86 matching tests in areas stretching from the New York City line to the Hamptons and from Long Island Sound to the South Shore. Thirty-nine of the tests paired black and white testers, 31 matched Hispanic and white testers and 16 linked Asian and white testers.

Meet Newsday’s testers Meet Newsday’s testers
15 Minority testers

Martine Hackett Martine Hackett Professor

Kelvin Tune Kelvin Tune Federal contractor

Jesus Rivera Jesus Rivera Student

Ashley Creary Ashley Creary Actor

Johnnie Mae Alston Johnnie Mae Alston Retired state worker

Lenora Smith Lenora Smith Nurse

Liza Colpa Liza Colpa Yoga instructor

Alex Chao Alex Chao Actor

Eugene Cha Eugene Cha Actor

Nana Ponceleon Nana Ponceleon Actor

Niguel Williams-Easter Niguel Williams-Easter Actor

Payal Mehta Payal Mehta Actor

Pedro Jimenez Pedro Jimenez Programmer

Ryan Sett Ryan Sett Actor

Sarai Korpacz Sarai Korpacz Compliance Specialist

10 White testers

Cindy Parry Cindy ParryAttorney

Kimberly Larkin Battista Kimberly Larkin BattistaTeacher

Brittany Silver Brittany Silver Actor

Steven Makropoulos Steven Makropoulos Actor

Gabriel Kennedy Gabriel Kennedy Actor

Gretchen Olson Kopp Gretchen Olson Kopp Consultant

Lizzy Lee Lizzy Lee Actor

Richard Helling Richard Helling Administrator

Anthony Congiano Anthony Congiano Actor

Larry Samuels Larry SamuelsBusiness manager

Tester portraits by Arnold Miller, William Perlman and Chris Ware

Newsday confirmed that agents had houses to sell when meeting with testers based on analyses provided by Zillow, the online home search site. Zillow draws an inventory of available homes daily from the Multiple Listing Service of Long Island, the computerized system used by agents to select possible houses for buyers. MLSLI said that it does not maintain its own database of past daily inventories, as Zillow does, and so could not provide the same type of tallies. As permitted by law, all tests were recorded on hidden cameras to ensure accuracy in describing interactions between agents and customers.

See the hidden cameras See the hidden cameras

Testers get outfitted with special hidden cameras for their tests.

Newsday relied on two nationally recognized experts in fair housing standards to evaluate the agents’ actions. The consultants were:

  • Fred Freiberg, who co-founded the Fair Housing Justice Center in 2004. Previously, he had led a national testing program for the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice, as well as two national paired testing programs for the Urban Institute. He has coordinated more than 12,000 fair housing tests. He was paid to help organize the testing and train the testers but was not paid to evaluate test results.
  • Robert Schwemm, the Everett H. Metcalf Jr. Professor of Law at the University of Kentucky College of Law. Schwemm is the author of “Housing Discrimination: Law and Litigation,” widely accepted as the definitive treatise of the subject. Schwemm assisted on an unpaid basis.

Newsday separately gave Freiberg and Schwemm summaries of tests that preliminarily appeared to show evidence of unequal treatment; transcripts of relevant remarks made by agents; and maps of the listings suggested to testers, along with the average percentage of white population in the census tracts where the listings fell.

An agent’s actions were deemed worthy of citing only after both consultants independently saw evidence of fair housing violations in response to the information provided by Newsday. While their opinions do not represent legal findings, their matching independent judgments provided a measure of apparent disparate treatment by the tested agents.

In fully 40 percent of the tests, evidence suggested that brokers subjected minority testers to disparate treatment when compared with white testers with inequalities rising to almost half the time for black potential buyers.

Black testers experienced disparate treatment 49 percent of the time – compared with 39 percent for Hispanic and 19 percent for Asian testers.

In seven of Newsday’s tests – 8 percent of the total – agents accommodated white testers while imposing more stringent conditions on minorities that amounted to the denial of equal service between testers.

“This is something that didn’t happen in the deep South,” said Greg Squires, professor of public policy at George Washington University in Washington, D.C., who offered advice about structuring the testing program.

“It happened in one of the most educated, most liberal regions of the country. These are significant numbers.”

Most commonly in the seven cases, agents refused to provide house listings or home tours to minority testers unless they met financial qualifications that weren’t imposed on white counterparts.

“I won’t do it,” Signature Premier Properties agent Anne Marie Queally Bechand said in refusing to take a black customer to tour houses unless the customer produced evidence that a lender had preapproved a mortgage loan.

One month earlier, Queally Bechand had asked a white customer who had yet to secure mortgage preapproval, “When can you start looking at houses?”

In nearly a quarter of the tests – 24 percent – agents directed whites and minorities into differing communities through house listings that had the earmarks of “steering” – the unlawful sorting of home buyers based on race or ethnicity.

One example: Amid MS-13 gang murders in Brentwood, a 79 percent Hispanic and black community, Le-Ann Vicquery, at the time a Keller Williams Realty agent, told a black customer:

“Every time I get a new listing in Brentwood, or a new client, I get so excited because they’re the nicest people.” She emailed the paired white customer: “please kindly do some research on the gang related events in that area for safety.”

Seven weeks after publication, Vicquery told Newsday she had not been fully aware of the gang violence when she spoke to the black customer, despite widespread media coverage. Vicquery said that she later warned the white customer because she had heard a gang-related story on television or radio on the day she escorted the customer on house tours. Queally Bechand did not respond to requests for comment.

Over the course of Newsday’s testing:

93 agents provided a total of 5,763 listings

Placed on a map, the addresses showed the communities agents preferred for white, black, Hispanic and Asian buyers.

In some communities, agents provided listings to white and minority buyers matching the population of the areas.

By a wide margin, for instance, agents chose Merrick for white buyers. Eight out of 10 Merrick residents are white.

Agents gave more than eight out of 10 house choices there to white potential purchasers and fewer than two out of 10 to minority testers.

Altogether, agents provided white testers an average of 50 percent more listings than they gave to black counterparts – 39 compared with 26.

There was no such gap in paired testing for other minorities. Agents gave both Hispanic and white paired testers an average of 42 listings. Asians received 18 compared with 22 given to paired white testers. The averages include cases in which agents provided no listings to one or the other customer.

In some cases, agents keyed on the racial, ethnic or religious makeup of communities when speaking with testers, in all but one sharing the information only with white customers.

Fair housing standards generally bar agents from talking about the backgrounds of people who live in neighborhoods as a form of verbal racial or ethnic steering. The standards also require agents to provide equal guidance to customers about areas in which they may want to live. Century 21 agent Raj Sanghvi, for example, warned a white tester about buying in Huntington, a mainstay of northern Suffolk County.

“But you don’t want to go there. It’s a mixed neighborhood,” Sanghvi said, adding, “You have white, you have black, you have Latinos, you have Indians, you have Chinese, you have Koreans; everything.”

Sanghvi made no similar remarks to an Asian tester and suggested no Huntington houses to either tester.

Speaking to a white tester about one overwhelmingly minority community, RE/MAX agent Joy Tuxson promised, “I’m not going to send you anything in Wyandanch unless you don’t want to start your car to buy your crack, unless you just want to walk up the street.”

Talking to an Asian tester about another largely minority area, Tuxson said she had told a family member, “Do you really want your future children going to Amityville School Districts?”

Sanghvi and Tuxson did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

To capture broad swaths of Long Island, Newsday divided most of Nassau and much of Suffolk into 10 zones that included housing markets with affordable homes as well as million-dollar mansions and places where large groups of minorities live closely to white populations. The zones ranged from western Nassau to the Hamptons.

Newsday conducted tests in each zone and plotted the housing choices made by agents in each area, often revealing the communities they favored for buyers of varied backgrounds.

Cumulatively, the 10 zones encompassed 83 percent of Long Island’s population, including 80 percent of the white population and 88 percent of the minority population.

Mapping the listings by test zones

Overall, the agents gave black customers their smallest share of listings in towns with the highest proportions of white residents and their biggest share where whites were less prevalent.

Where whites composed 20 percent or less of the population, agents provided seven out of 10 listings to minorities. Only when whites hit 56 percent of the population did agents give most of the listings in a community, 63 percent, to whites.

Agents and brokers bear the responsibility for applying fair housing standards as they act as licensed gatekeepers to housing choices. Industry representatives have contended that proper training is the best way to ensure agents uphold fair housing laws, arguing against more aggressive enforcement through fines, license suspensions or revocations.

To assess the quality of training, Newsday attended six fair housing classes sponsored by the Long Island Board of Realtors. Experts who reviewed the instruction found that only one covered the material adequately and that others were “shockingly thin in content.”

After the testing was completed, Newsday revealed to testers for the first time how their counterparts had fared in visiting agents. The testers heard the comparisons sitting side by side – black beside white, Hispanic beside white, Asian beside white.

Often, they said the test results brought to light evidence of discrimination that had been hidden behind the smiles and handshakes offered by guides to housing in a suburb where the racial lines between many communities are starkly drawn.

Martine Hackett, who is black and a tenured professor of public health at Hofstra University, had met with seven agents and encountered evidence of disparate treatment three times. Her thoughts encapsulated the perspectives of many fellow testers.

“I would have no idea that, without this testing, that there was even a difference between what was provided. My assumption would be that everybody would be provided with the same listings based on their economic and geographic requirements,” Hackett said, adding:

“To sort of have the options to be limited in that way sort of makes me think about what options are available that people might not know about. And who’s making those choices? That’s the other thing that I feel, is that the choice, in terms of the choice of what would be theoretically the best choice for me and my family, was sort of removed.”

Another tester, Alex Chao, an actor who is Asian, learned that an agent had declined to provide him listings of houses for sale, a first step in a home search, but had given listings to his matched white tester. He called the difference in treatment deeply disturbing.

“I don’t think I was treated fairly at all,” he said. “That’s pretty outrageous and, of course, offensive, upsetting to find out. You know you read about these things, you never think they would happen to you.”

Newsday’s investigation focused on 12 brands that represented more than half of the Island’s home sellers in 2017.

They included Douglas Elliman, Century 21 Real Estate LLC, Charles Rutenberg Realty Inc., Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage on Long Island, Coach Realtors, Daniel Gale Sotheby’s International Realty, Laffey Fine Homes, Keller Williams Realty, The Corcoran Group, Signature Premier Properties, Realty Connect USA and RE/MAX LLC.

Tests of agents associated with two of the firms–The Corcoran Group and Daniel Gale Sotheby’s–produced no evidence of disparate treatment.

Newsday notified the 93 agents by letters that they had been tested and recorded. When Newsday’s two fair housing consultants found evidence suggesting disparate treatment, the letters detailed the facts so agents could review their records, specified the findings, gave agents the opportunity to view videos of their actions and invited them to provide their perspectives in interviews or written statements.

Additionally, Newsday delivered the identical information and opportunities for discussion and comment to the agents’ corporate leaders.

Thirteen agents and 21 corporate representatives came to Newsday and viewed materials for 26 paired tests that involved eight agencies.

Ultimately, fair housing violations are determined by the courts or enforcement agencies. Authorities may choose to file charges based on egregious conduct in a single case. More generally, they bring legal action after subjecting an agent to several paired tests to establish a pattern and to reduce the likelihood that an agent’s choices were either a fluke or soundly guided by the market at the time.

Newsday tested each agent only once. Falling short of proving legal wrongdoing, each result points to evidence of neutral or disparate treatment in a single comparison of customer contacts and offers little insight into an agent’s general professional conduct.

Collectively, however, the individual test results, bolstered by the statistical findings, form a body of evidence suggesting the extent of discriminatory practices by agents in Long Island home sales. Additionally, read side by side, the matched transcripts uniquely revealed the hidden disparities experienced by minority house hunters without their ever knowing they had been disadvantaged.

Editorial: Segregation’s stain can be overcome
Part 1

They call it steering

Newsday’s investigation revealed evidence that some agents sorted house hunters by race, ethnicity.

Follow the school bus, see the moms that are hanging out on the corners. Rosemarie Marando Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage

Some of them are not as nice. Elmont, most of Hempstead, Roosevelt, Baldwin, Freeport. You know, maybe not as nice in terms of statistics. Chris Hubbard RE/MAX Central Properties

In East Hampton … the Hispanic community came in – and they really took over Springs. Kevin Geddie formerly of Douglas Elliman Real Estate

Fair housing laws bar agents from directing whites to one community and equally qualified blacks, Hispanics or Asians to other places, a practice known as steering.

Even so, in 21 of 86 Newsday tests – 24 percent – agents located white and minority house hunters in areas that were different enough to suggest evidence of steering.

Watch expert explain steering Watch expert explain steering

Robert Schwemm is a University of Kentucky College of Law professor and author of “Housing Discrimination: Law and Litigation.”

Elmont, a predominantly minority community, was suitable for a Hispanic house hunter but not for a comparable white one.

Freeport, an overwhelmingly minority village, could be a good place for a black home seeker but was a risky place to invest for a matching white tester.

Predominantly white Levittown was fit for a white buyer but more diverse East Meadow and Hicksville were appropriate for an African American.

Said one agent when speaking to a white customer: “I don’t want to use the word steer, but I try to edu – I use the word – I educate in the areas.”

Pointing out a need to study who lived in a community before buying, that agent, Rosemarie Marando of Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage, advised the customer to observe nighttime patrons of convenience stores.

“Wherever you’re going to buy diapers, you know, during the day, go at 10 o’clock at night, and see if you like the area,” she said, adding:

“There was one fellow who would – like insisted on this house, and the wife was pregnant and had a little one, and I said to him, ‘I can’t say anything, but I encourage you, I want you to go there at 10 o’clock at night with your wife to buy diapers. Go to that 7-Eleven.’ They didn’t buy there.”

“I have to say it without saying it, you know?” Marando confided.

She also counseled: “What I say is always to women, follow the school bus. You know, that’s what I always say. Follow the school bus, see the moms that are hanging out on the corners.”

Finally, Marando remembered hearing similar advice from an agent as a first-time homebuyer three decades ago and thinking, “What a creep.”

Marando made no similar comments when visited by a black tester. She gave both testers comparable listings in similar areas, showing no evidence of steering.

Newsday’s two fair housing consultants found that Marando had used “coded language” or “a euphemism” to describe steering while talking only to the white tester.

Based on information provided by Newsday, Robert Schwemm, law professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law, concluded:

“This agent knows what steering is and has come up with a euphemism for it that she is willing to share only with the white tester, not the black tester.

“Instead of ‘steering,’ she uses ‘location.’ She is saying she learned over time that this is particularly important. She is now displaying the behavior she criticized in her original agent. And not saying the same things to the black homebuyer is really problematic. Does she think minorities don’t want that?”

Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, concluded:

“This agent appeared to use coded language to urge the white tester to consider the racial composition of neighborhoods when considering where to buy a home.

“The agent said, ‘Look at who’s on the school bus. Look at who’s buying diapers in the grocery store.’ These statements were not made to the African American tester.

“While both testers were provided home listings in predominantly white areas, some of the statements made by the agent suggest that the agent is not interested in taking buyers to racially diverse neighborhoods.”

Newsday notified Marando of its findings by letter and email, invited her to view recordings of meetings with testers and requested an interview. She did not return phone messages.

Newsday presented its findings by letter to Charlie Young, president and chief executive officer of Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage. The letter covered the actions of Marando and additional Coldwell Banker agents.

The company’s national director of public relations, Roni Boyles, wrote in an emailed statement:

“Incidents reported by Newsday that are alleged to have occurred more than two years ago are completely contrary to our long term commitment and dedication to supporting and maintaining all aspects of fair and equitable housing.

“Upholding the Fair Housing Act remains one of our highest priorities, and we expect the same level of commitment of the more than 750 independent real estate salespersons who chose to affiliate with Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage on Long Island. We take this matter seriously and have addressed the alleged incidents with the salespersons.”

Coldwell Banker declined to discuss the company’s responses to specific cases.

A map of the 5,763 house listings gathered by Newsday represents the collective choices made by the tested agents. All things being equal, white and minority listings should appear in roughly 50-50 proportions across the Island.

They did not.

The map revealed divided racial and ethnic patterns that would help shape both lives and communities, in some cases speeding demographic change and in others blocking it.

Most stark: Agents directed white buyers most heavily to areas with the highest white concentrations while most often suggesting that black buyers focus on areas with lower white representations.

“They’re putting you in a place that they think you belong. They’re telling you that you don’t belong on this side of town because of your race or whatever and it’s not right,” said black tester Johnnie Mae Alston, a retired state worker, adding:

“But just because you think I would rather be here or because I’m a certain race you think that I should be over here. But what about my choices of where I want to live?”

Both blatant and widely accepted before the civil rights revolution, racial steering by real estate agents has receded largely from view.

Where agents once openly shut black buyers out of white communities, some now apply courteous professionalism while sorting buyers based on race or ethnicity.

“The issue of discrimination is very subtle,” said Claudia Aranda, a director of field operations for the Urban Institute, a nonprofit group that oversaw more than 8,000 paired tests in a nationwide study sponsored by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development in 2010.

That study found real estate agents engaged less frequently than in the past in more explicit forms of discrimination, such as not showing available houses to minority buyers. However, the study also showed that agents placed minority buyers in more integrated neighborhoods at a higher rate than white buyers.

“In the absence of treatment that’s more overt, in the absence of particular discriminatory comments, individual home seekers will never have potentially any reason to suspect discrimination,” Aranda said.

Newsday’s tests sought to get behind the smiles and handshakes that can mask evidence of steering by comparing how agents responded to paired buyers while video recorders were running.

See evidence of steering
Part 2

The perils of house hunting while black

Newsday’s testers experienced disparate treatment 49% of the time when compared with white buyers.

Martine Hackett Kelvin Tune Johnnie MaeAlston Niguel Williams-Easter Lenora Smith Ryan Sett

They had no idea agents…

  • Directed them toward different neighborhoods than their white counterparts
  • Gave them fewer house listings
  • Put them under greater financial scrutiny
  • Disparaged minority communities when speaking with whites

Thirty-nine times, black men and women engaged with real estate agents as paired undercover testers in Newsday’s investigation. In 19 of those times, the testing suggested they experienced disparate treatment compared with matched white testers. Additionally, one agent warned white and Asian testers to avoid predominantly black communities.

Kelvin Tune, 54, a federal employee, met with nine courteous, professional agents. He had no idea that seven of those meetings produced evidence of unequal service, with one agent in effect shutting him out of considering houses in the bedrock Long Island community of Plainview.

“I wasn’t welcomed to Plainview for her,” said Tune on learning the results of that test.

Johnnie Mae Alston, 65, a retired state worker, had no idea that an agent refused to provide her service on the same terms offered to a white client.

“I would have never known,” Alston said on learning how her experiences as a tester in Newsday’s investigation compared with the experiences of her white counterparts.

Speaking of the real estate agents she met, Alston added: “They make you feel like they are treating you like everybody else. That’s because you don’t see the other side. But once you see the other side, you realize that you aren’t treated that well.”

All these testers – both minority and white – discovered for the first time how their experiences compared when Newsday brought them together for joint interviews.

Testing found evidence that:Black testers experienced unequal treatment
49% of the time

  • Newsday’s black testers experienced disparate treatment at higher rates than did Hispanic (39 percent) and Asian testers (19 percent).
  • In 11 cases, agents directed black testers to different neighborhoods than white testers in comparisons that showed evidence of steering.
  • In five instances, agents imposed conditions on black testers that amounted to the denial of equal service compared with conditions requested of white testers.
  • In three cases, agents either spoke about steering to the white tester but not the black tester or volunteered information about the ethnic makeup of communities only to white testers.
  • Altogether, agents provided white testers an average of 50 percent more listings than they gave to black counterparts – 39 compared with 26, including instances when agents provided no listings to one tester.

There was no such gap in paired testing for other minorities. Agents gave both Hispanic and white testers an average of 42 listings. Asians received 18 compared with 22 given to white testers.

Limiting choices can help guide buyers toward and away from communities.

“Probably the most powerful tool for steering is through information withholding,” said Jacob Faber, an assistant professor of sociology at New York University who studies segregation.

“So that job as information conveyors is just really important.”

Before the changes driven by the civil rights movement, real estate agents often refused outright to serve black buyers. Today, experts say discrimination more likely takes the form of subtly directing buyers of different backgrounds toward different communities or requiring minorities to overcome higher financial barriers than whites.

Following are four case histories that show evidence of the disparate treatment hidden in house hunting while black on Long Island a half century after passage of the federal Fair Housing Law. They are accompanied by the findings of fair housing consultants Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, and Robert Schwemm, professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law.

The opinions of Freiberg and Schwemm are based on data provided by Newsday. Their judgments are not legal conclusions.

The case histories also include the responses of agents and the companies they represent.

TEST 67An agent suggests five Plainview homes to a white house hunter – but tells a black home buyer that houses with the same market value there are out of his price range.

TEST 76 An agent takes a white customer on house tours without requesting identification – but asks a black house hunter to show ID.

TEST 96 An agent warns a white home buyer about gang violence in Brentwood – but directs the black house hunter toward the predominantly minority community.

TEST 45 An agent warns a white customer to avoid investing in Freeport – but suggests the predominantly minority village could be a good choice for a black customer.

Explore the test cases
Part 3

Privileges of house hunting while white

Agents’ conduct showed evidence of denial of equal service to minorities in 8% of Newsday’s paired tests.

Serving as gatekeepers to homes, schools and communities, some real estate agents made the key to the front door easier to reach for whites than for minorities.

Typically, these agents provided ready service to white customers they encountered in Newsday’s investigation, offering homes to consider and conducting house tours while taking on faith that the white house hunters had the financial capability to purchase.

In contrast, they denied similarly full service to minority customers, refusing to provide listings or tours unless the customers showed proof of financial capability.

In seven of Newsday’s 86 paired tests – 8 percent – the agents’ conduct produced evidence of unequal treatment amounting to the denial of equal service to minorities.

Black buyers experienced the evident denials most frequently – in five of the tests. One tester was Hispanic. One was Asian.

The five tests that produced evidence of the denial of equal service to black testers occurred among 39 black-white tests – a rate of almost 13 percent.

No agent in any test placed greater obstacles in front of a white buyer than a matched minority customer.

Posing as first-time home buyers, white and minority testers separately asked agents to start their searches by suggesting house listings and by providing tours of properties for sale. No agent flatly refused service to anyone.

Instead, seven agents imposed conditions on minority buyers that were seemingly reasonable until matched against service they provided to white buyers.

One condition involved securing preapproval or prequalification for a mortgage loan. Preapproval certifies that a lender has found a buyer creditworthy up to a certain amount based on a credit check and documentation submitted by the buyer. Prequalification indicates that a lender has preliminarily offered a similar judgment without yet conducting a full financial review.

Another condition entailed granting an agent the exclusive right to represent a buyer. Exclusive broker’s agreements stipulate that an agent will be a buyer’s sole representative and typically guarantee that the agent will be paid a commission, either from the proceeds of a sale or directly by a buyer.

The law permits agents to employ both stipulations equally with all customers. But it bars agents from imposing them only on members of one group and not another.

One example: Although a black customer told Laffey Real Estate agent Nancy Anderson, “My uncle is actually a loan officer so we crunched the numbers with him,” Anderson refused to provide house tours, emailing, “I need to have the preapproval before we see the listings.”

TEST 92
Niguel Williams-Easter

Black tester

Refused house tours without preapproval
Steven Makropoulos

White tester

Escorted on house tour without preapproval

In contrast, she escorted a paired white buyer on house tours after he assured her, “I got a buddy of mine that works at Roslyn Savings & Loan.”

Anderson did not respond to a letter informing her of Newsday’s findings or to invitations by letter and email to view video recordings of her meetings with testers. When reached by telephone, she said, “I have no comment to you at this point.”

Mark Laffey, named on Laffey Real Estate’s website as principal owner, and Philip Laffey, described as overseeing Laffey Real Estate, did not respond to letters, emails and telephone calls requesting interviews or comment.

Experts say real estate agents may more efficiently manage their time if they require buyers to produce a mortgage preapproval or a prequalification letter before providing house listings or taking the customers out on a tour.

“If you are really worried about your time, you’d require everybody to be prequalified,” said Dorothy Brown, a law professor at Emory University School of Law who focuses on issues of race and legal policies.

“White people get turned down for mortgages too, so why wouldn’t you?”

Based on facts presented to them in Anderson’s case, Newsday’s two fair-housing consultants, Fred Frieberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, and Robert Schwemm, professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law, saw evidence of unequal treatment.

Freiberg wrote: “The agent’s refusal to provide service to the African American tester is an example of disparate treatment based on race. The agent told the African American tester that a preapproval letter was a condition of being shown homes but did not impose this same condition on the white tester.”

Schwemm concluded: “Evidence of blatant discrimination (inferior treatment of the black tester) regarding not showing houses before receiving a preapproval letter.”

Newsday’s tests compared how agents interacted with people of different races or ethnicities in individual situations and therefore may not necessarily shed light on how any individual agent treats white and minority customers in general.

As one illustration, Realty Connect USA agent Reza Amiryavari provided service to black and white customers without preconditions in a test that Newsday disqualified because recording equipment failed. In a subsequent test, Amiryavari required a Hispanic buyer to meet conditions that indicated a denial of equal service when compared with the white buyer.

Reflecting on what she had learned from serving as a tester, Brittany Silver, who is white and an actress, said:

“A Caucasian person with money coming in to spend it really could never do anything wrong.” She added: “I don’t think that person will ever be questioned. I think that I am privileged because I’m white.”

Following is evidence of disparate treatment at work in four case histories, as affirmed independently by consultants Frieberg and Schwemm, who rendered similar judgments on all seven tests that produced evidence of the denial of equal service to minorities.

The opinions of Freiberg and Schwemm are based on data provided by Newsday. Their judgments are not legal conclusions.

The case histories also include responses of agents and the companies they represent.

TEST 93 An agent refuses to show homes to a black buyer unless the buyer signs an exclusive broker’s agreement – just hours before she invites a white buyer on house tours without requiring such an agreement.

TEST 30 An agent offers to drive a white house hunter to tour homes, provides 79 listings and escorts the potential buyer to see four houses without proof of financial standing. The agent tells a black home seeker she must produce mortgage prequalification.

TEST 78 An agent tells a Hispanic house hunter that he helps customers only after they sign an exclusive broker’s agreement and secure mortgage preapprovals. The agent provides listings and tours to a white house hunter without requiring either document.

TEST 09 An agent tells black and white house hunters that he provides listings and home tours only to customers who have mortgage preapproval – then bends his stated policy for the white potential buyer.

Explore the test cases
Part 4

They looked almost everywhere else

Agents avoided listings in many of Long Island’s minority communities.

Real estate agents associated with Long Island’s biggest brokerages had more than 200 opportunities to suggest houses to paired testers in eight overwhelmingly black and Hispanic communities during Newsday’s fair housing investigation.

The agents largely avoided the minority communities, recommending homes there only 15 times. But when they did offer listings in minority communities, they sent those listings more often to minority buyers than to whites.

Freeport, Elmont, Hempstead, Brentwood, Central Islip, Uniondale, Roosevelt and Wyandanch fell 211 times within the home search areas presented by testers to agents – for example, 30 minutes from Hempstead at a top price of $450,000 or 20 minutes from Brentwood at a $475,000 maximum.

The eight predominantly minority communities ranged from 73 percent minority Freeport to 97 percent minority Roosevelt. Although houses were on the market with prices that ranged from $400,000 to $500,000, the agents directed all but a small share of testers to communities with larger proportions of white residents.

“I think what you’ve described is steering based on racial composition of a neighborhood. The fact that everybody is steered away doesn’t make it acceptable,” said Greg Squires, a professor of public policy at George Washington University in Washington who has served as a consultant to fair housing groups and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

“You could argue that this does not show discrimination against the home seekers because everybody was steered away from these neighborhoods,” Squires added. “If in fact that’s the case, what it suggests is discrimination against certain neighborhoods because of the racial composition of those neighborhoods.”

Newsday tested agents who worked with the 12 companies that dominate the market: Douglas Elliman Real Estate, Century 21 Real Estate LLC, Charles Rutenberg Realty Inc., Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage on Long Island, Coach Realtors, Daniel Gale Sotheby’s International Realty, Laffey Fine Homes, Keller Williams Realty, The Corcoran Group, Signature Premier Properties, Realty Connect USA and RE/MAX LLC.

Altogether, they have 218 branch offices in Nassau and Suffolk counties but no offices in the eight communities where most of the Island’s racial minorities live. The average white population in the towns where the top real estate brands have their offices ranges from 75 percent (Century 21) to 86 percent white (Keller Williams).

Asked by letter why they have no presences in the Island’s predominantly minority communities, representatives of only three of the 12 companies responded: Daniel Gale Sotheby’s, Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage on Long Island and RE/MAX LLC.

Katherine Heaviside, a spokeswoman for Daniel Gale Sotheby’s, said the firm had “grown over the years to over 28 locations. While we are not in every community, we look forward to expanding into many more locations in the years to come.”

Spokeswomen for Coldwell Banker and RE/MAX noted that with the technology available today, customers can connect with agents’ services without having to go to a physical office.

The RE/MAX representative, Kerry McGovern, said the company operated a franchise in Freeport from 2000 to 2010 and in Hempstead from 2005 to 2017.

McGovern also said: “We do not share actual figures of this nature but can confirm RE/MAX agents have had many listings and have closed transactions in each and every one of these neighborhoods in the past year.”

Coldwell Banker spokeswoman Roni Boyles said the firm’s “market share has steadily increased year over year from 2016 through 2018 collectively, in the communities you named: Elmont, Freeport, Hempstead, Roosevelt and Uniondale.”

The 12 biggest firms on average have had a smaller market share in the eight minority communities than they do across the Island. They’ve controlled more than half the listings Islandwide. But in the minority communities, the biggest firms’ market share has ranged from about a fifth in Wyandanch to a third in Freeport and Elmont.

Agents associated with smaller, locally based brokerages service most of the listings in the eight minority communities. Roy Clark, an agent with LI Community Realty Inc. in Brentwood, said large brokerages overlook areas like Brentwood, Central Islip and Wyandanch.

“They don’t really make advances here,” said Clark, who has worked in the area for nearly 15 years.

When agents from the larger firms have contacted him about showing a house hunter one of his listings, Clark added, “I have not experienced any white buyers at all being brought by any large company.”

Clark said when he used to work at one of Long Island’s largest brokerages, “they didn’t really venture too much into areas that were areas of color. I don’t know if it was a fear factor or what. I don’t know why they didn’t.”

Lenora W. Long, a broker based in Hempstead for 18 years, said she has noticed trends like those experienced by Clark: white agents working for the Island’s biggest firms contacting her about her listings in Hempstead on behalf of a black or Hispanic client.

“I’ve never had the experience of an agent from the North Shore or South Shore bringing a Caucasian looking for a home in Hempstead,” Long said. “It’s usually black or Hispanics shuttled into Hempstead.”

Jim Blais, who is white and a resident of Hempstead Village’s Ingraham Estates development, said he has witnessed the phenomenon described by Long.

“There are roughly five houses in the last two or three years that have gone for sale or have been sold and what I’ve noticed is that you see only black or Hispanics coming to look at the houses,” Blais said. “I have yet to see a white family coming by.”

See how it affects communities
Part 5

Hispanics face hurdles as population grows

Nearly 40 percent of their tests showed evidence of steering or disparate treatment.

Nana Ponceleon PedroJimenez Ashley Creary Jesus Rivera Liza Colpa

Pedro Jimenez expected to find evidence of some discrimination as a Hispanic searching for a home on Long Island. He found more than he imagined as a member of the Island’s largest minority group.

Jimenez asked eight real estate agents for help buying houses as a paired tester in Newsday’s investigation of discrimination in real estate sales. Five of the eight tests produced evidence that agents had subjected Jimenez to unequal treatment when compared with his white counterparts.

“It is alarming. It is crazy,” he said. “It’s 2018, I cannot stress that enough – this is 50 years after the civil rights marches. I remember all sorts of people saying, well, we’re post racial, we voted a black president. No, we’re not. Obviously, we are not.”

Jimenez, 45, is a computer and internet professional who was born in the Dominican Republic.

As a boy of 5, he followed his mother to immigrate legally to the United States. He grew up in the Corona section of Queens, attended New York City public schools and helped his mother earn income by making belts in the family’s apartment.

Jimenez also remembers that the social surroundings taught him to distinguish between light-skinned and dark-skinned fellow Hispanics, those of darker tones being looked down upon.

The milieu also included attitudes toward women and gays that he long ago grew to consider backwards.

“I’ve been everything. I’ve been the misogynist. I’ve been the racist. I’ve been the homophobe. Over time I just came to learn almost in evolutionary steps there is no basis for those things,” Jimenez said. “You don’t know these people, how can you cast this light on people you don’t know? And not only that, but by having this view I am causing this suffering.”

That evolution, Jimenez believes, outpaced the attitudes of real estate agents he encountered as an undercover tester.

“What this says to the Latino population is that, clearly, you’re going to be steered, especially if you leave yourself at the mercy of the agent,” he said.

Latinos compose 18 percent of the Island’s population, according to 2017 census estimates, followed by blacks at 9 percent and Asians at nearly 7 percent. They are spread widely, with 90 percent of the population living in 120 of the Island’s 291 communities. The United States Census Bureau defines Hispanics and Latinos as people of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.

Jimenez was one of five Hispanic testers who went undercover in Newsday’s investigation.

They engaged with agents representing 12 of the Island’s largest brokering firms in offices located from Massapequa Park, Brentwood and East Hampton on the South Shore to Great Neck and Northport on the North Shore. Using aliases with Hispanic surnames, they said they were looking for houses with prices that ranged from $400,000 to $3 million.

All told, Newsday’s:five Hispanic testers met evidence of disparate treatment
39% of the time

Jimenez, Ashley Creary, Nana Ponceleon, Liza Colpa and Jesus Rivera went house hunting 31 times while paired with matching white testers. Twelve of the tests showed evidence that agents:

  • Provided the group 12 percent fewer listings than the white buyers in those tests, with the gap larger in the overwhelmingly white communities of Rockville Centre, Oceanside, Roslyn, Levittown, Merrick and Kings Park. There, the agents gave white testers seven times more homes to consider than they provided to matching Hispanic testers.
  • Focused Hispanic testers on houses in 18 census tracts in the Town of Huntington that took in the downtown area, then stretched north to Halesite and south to Huntington Station, South Huntington and West Hills. They picked listings in these areas for Hispanic testers at double the rate they did for white buyers. Eleven of the 18 tracts show growing Hispanic populations.
  • In one case, imposed more stringent requirements on a Hispanic tester than a white buyer, amounting to a denial of equal service, according to evaluations by Newsday’s fair housing consultants.

Following are three case histories showing evidence that Hispanic house hunters experienced disparate treatment, along with the findings of Newsday’s fair housing consultants Fred Freiberg and Robert Schwemm.

The opinions of Freiberg and Schwemm are based on data provided by Newsday. Their judgments are not legal conclusions.

The case histories also include the responses of agents and the companies they represent.

TEST 42An agent complains to a white house hunter that fair housing laws bar him from warning buyers away from certain communities, offers the customer choices in predominantly white areas and directs a Hispanic house hunter to predominantly minority communities.

TEST 07 An agent tells a white buyer that she would look in areas that surround a predominantly minority community while telling the Hispanic buyer that she would concentrate more on that community.

TEST 87An agent tells a white customer that he “might be more comfortable in a certain demographic area,” says she is barred from talking about demographics – but adds her colleague will educate the customer, whom she describes as a “stand-up guy.”

Explore the test cases
Part 6

Fewer hurdles for Asian buyers

No signs of steering, but they experienced evidence of disparate treatment 19% of the time.

Alex Chao Payal Mehta Eugene Cha

While searching for homes with prices ranging from $400,000 in the Bay Shore and West Islip area to $7 million on the North Shore Gold Coast, Asian house-hunters met evidence suggesting discrimination less often than black and Hispanic peers in Newsday’s paired testing of real estate agents.

The Asian would-be home buyers – one Chinese American, one Korean American, one South Asian American – participated in 16 tests that measured the service agents gave to them against how the agents helped comparable white buyers.

In all but three, agents provided comparable service to Asian and white house hunters. The three exceptions included evidence that one agent denied equal service to an Asian tester compared with his white counterpart and that two agents provided greater information about communities to white testers – even as the agents disparaged those areas.

None of the tests matching Asian and white buyers showed evidence that agents had steered house hunters to different communities.

At three out of 16 tests, the individual Asians experienced evidence suggesting discrimination 19 percent of the time – a frequency far less then met by black (49 percent) or Hispanic (39 percent) testers.

That rate reflected apparent personal discrimination against Asian testers. Two additional tests suggested possible violations of fair housing standards that restrict agents from volunteering the racial, ethnic or religious makeup of communities to customers. In those two tests, agents pointed out a growing Asian presence in an area to potential white buyers.

“It would probably always be questionable to raise those kinds of matters if the home seeker didn’t ask about them,” said Robert Schwemm, a professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law and authority on the fair housing act, who served as Newsday consultant. “There is clear law that says steering can occur based on statements about racial makeups that are unsolicited by the home seeker.”

Explore the test cases
Part 7

Agents’ top choice for Hispanics

Huntington was recommended for them at a much higher rate than for white buyers.

Huntington was the location most favored by agents for Hispanic house hunters.

Agents in five tests avoided Huntington for white buyers.

84 percent of the listings they recommended in Huntington, Huntington Station and South Huntington were to Hispanic buyers.

Clustered in northern Suffolk County, more than an hour’s commute by train to Manhattan, Huntington and its adjoining communities have long epitomized Long Island’s suburban lifestyle. There’s a vibrant downtown. There are stately homes on wide leafy streets. There are former beach cottages close to Long Island Sound.

And there is change: The white population has dropped in many census tracts, and the Hispanic population has risen – a phenomenon reflected in house choices by real estate agents in Newsday’s investigation of residential sales practices.

The area emerged as the location most favored by agents for Hispanic house hunters on Long Island. In undercover testing that paired white and Hispanic buyers, agents recommended the Huntington surroundings far more often to the Hispanic testers – even though none asked specifically to live in that area.

In five tests, white and Hispanic house hunters sought $450,000 to $500,000 houses within 20 or 30 minutes of Greenlawn or Northport, two communities within driving distances from downtown Huntington, or a $600,000 house within 30 minutes of Syosset, an area also encompassing Huntington.

Collectively, the agents gave the testers 453 listings, recommending 65 percent of them to the Hispanic house hunters. The listings covered a swath of territory that extended from Plainview and Oyster Bay on the west to Hauppauge and Kings Park on the east.

Among those listings, the agents suggested homes in the core Huntington communities of Huntington, Huntington Station and South Huntington 173 times. Here the concentration of houses recommended to Hispanic buyers hit 84 percent – with no agent providing a majority of listings to a white tester.

The gap in the number of home recommendations made to Hispanic and white buyers in three of the tests was large enough that Newsday’s two fair housing consultants detected evidence suggesting that agents had steered Hispanic buyers into the Huntington area compared with matched white buyers.

These three agents recommended houses in the Huntington area 78 times to Hispanic house hunters and three times to their white counterparts – an imbalance of 96 percent for the Hispanic testers and 4 percent to the white testers.

In contrast, where agents chose Huntington as a place to live in six similar black-white tests, they recommended it to the black buyer 39 percent of the time.

Explore the test cases
Part 8

Almost exclusively for whites

Several agents rarely recommended Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre for minority house hunters.

No house hunter asked specifically to live in three Long Island communities where white residents dominate the population – but seven real estate agents specifically suggested them almost exclusively to white potential buyers during Newsday’s investigation.

Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre in Nassau County emerged in the testing as places that these agents overwhelmingly chose for the white customers but not for their matching, paired minority home seekers. The makeup of the communities ranges from 75 percent white to 88 percent white.

The agents’ choices matched the demographics of the towns: The seven gave their white customers 13 times more listings in the communities than they provided to matching minority buyers. Two suggested homes there only to their white customers.

In all seven tests, Newsday’s two fair-housing consultants – Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, and Robert Schwemm, professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law – independently detected evidence of steering.

See the evidence
Part 9

The challenges facing enforcement

Little money at all levels of government for extensive testing to root out discrimination.

In February 2016, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo invoked Martin Luther King Jr. as he announced a “groundbreaking” drive against discrimination in home sales and rentals.

The governor told an enthusiastic audience at the Convent Avenue Baptist Church in Harlem that the state would sponsor paired testing across New York – a technique that uses undercover investigators – to crack down on real estate agents and landlords who fail to treat white and minority customers equally.

“We’re going to investigate it,” Cuomo vowed. “We’re going to find it. We’re going to ferret it out. We’re going to punish it and we are going to prosecute it because it is illegal.”

Added Cuomo, who formerly served as secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development:

“There will be people who will be unhappy because it’s going to be disruptive to a lot of the big players in the housing industry who like it the way they now have it.”

Three years later, Cuomo’s unprecedented drive as governor – now described by his administration as a “pilot program” – entailed the expenditure of $65,000 and conducted 88 paired tests of upstate and Westchester-area landlords for discrimination in apartment rentals.

The results included a $6,000 fine against a landlord charged with refusing to rent to disabled individuals using emotional support animals; a $15,000 settlement by a landlord charged with refusing to rent to black applicants; and a pending court case against a landlord for allegedly refusing to rent to individuals who use service animals.

Cuomo, who as New York attorney general oversaw 200 tests of real estate industry practices, has not allocated funding for additional testing as governor.

The governor’s enforcement foray illustrates the cost of paired testing investigations, as well as the wide gap between their limited use and the documented prevalence of hidden discrimination.

In a summary of Cuomo’s actions to combat bias in housing, the governor’s office noted that he signed legislation this year banning discrimination based on source of income, such as housing subsidies or child support. In July, he directed the Department of Financial Services to investigate whether Facebook allows housing advertisers to discriminate.

A senior adviser to the governor also said the administration has investigated landlords to deter discrimination on the basis of immigration status and other factors.

“This administration takes housing discrimination very seriously and this Governor has enacted more protections against it than any other governor in history,” Rich Azzopardi, senior adviser to the governor, said in a written statement.

“Every complaint received is thoroughly investigated and we urge any New Yorker who believes they have been the victim of housing discrimination to contact us immediately.”

On paper, real estate agents are subject to investigation and discipline by multiple levels of government. But at each rung on the enforcement ladder, the agencies lack the capacity to use the primary tool for uncovering fair housing law violations by real estate agents.

Surveyed by Newsday, the executive directors of large nonprofit fair housing watchdogs that rely on government funding, including in Detroit, Cleveland, St. Louis, Miami, New Orleans, New York and Houston, unanimously said their budgets are too small to support sustained paired testing of discrimination among residential real estate agents.

Said Rodney H. McRae, executive director of the Nassau County Human Rights Commission, an agency that employs only a five-person staff and is located in one of America’s most segregated suburbs:

“We do not do any testing.”

Why testing is needed
Part 10

Dividing lines, visible and invisible

Segregation of blacks, whites built into the history of Long Island.

The segregation of blacks and whites has been embedded on Long Island as firmly as the Meadowbrook Parkway.

Heading north from the South Shore bayfront, the six-lane road divides overwhelmingly minority Freeport from overwhelmingly white Merrick; then overwhelmingly minority Roosevelt from overwhelmingly white North Merrick; then overwhelmingly minority Uniondale from East Meadow, where seven of 10 residents are white.

A swath of asphalt, concrete, grass and trees framed by green space, the parkway forms a barrier between communities that are as little as 1 percent white and as little as 2 percent black. The demarcations are stark even as the road serves as a conduit for more than 70,000 cars daily.

Long Island has 291 communities Most of its black residents live in just 11

As one of the most segregated suburbs in America, Long Island is crisscrossed by racial barriers. Some, like the Meadowbrook, are visible. Some are the invisible product of historical forces including zoning regulations, mortgage redlining, the boundaries of 124 school districts, housing prices, and racial steering and blockbusting — a tactic used by real estate agents to drive up sales, and commissions, by inducing blacks to move into a white neighborhood and then warning whites that property values were about to plummet.

For three years, Newsday investigated real estate practices on Long Island using a testing system in which whites and minorities, acting as home seekers, were paired to gauge how real estate agents treated them. The probe found that white testers were shown neighborhoods with higher proportions of white residents than black testers were, while the black testers were shown homes in more integrated neighborhoods. It also showed that certain minority areas were largely overlooked for everyone.

The divides are taken for granted even in places where they dictate that black and Hispanic children will learn only with black and Hispanic children, and white children will learn only with white children, in elementary schools a mile apart.

After studying Long Island, Myron Orfield, director of the Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity at the University of Minnesota Law School, sees “hard racial barriers where black communities are next to white communities and they stay very firm.” Orfield adds: “On Long Island, there’s hard walls. It’s a tough, tough wall there. When you see those hard, differential walls, underlying that there’s usually bigotry and prejudice that’s maintaining those hard walls.”

Learn the history
Part 11

Schools as a selling point

Discussing quality can become a proxy for talking about a community’s racial makeup.

Long Island real estate agents sell schools as much as houses.

School district ratings are among the most zealously watched indicators of quality of life by Long Island homeowners, not least because they can influence home values.

In many of Newsday’s 86 paired tests, agents applied a laser-like focus on districts, highlighting their perceived quality when recommending places that house hunters should consider buying – or avoid.

As one real estate agent explained it: “So, more important than Syosset is schools, because everything is by schools on Long Island.”

That reliance on school ratings as a top selling point can empower Long Island real estate agents to serve as gatekeepers for 124 highly delineated districts whose test scores, graduations rates and ethnic and racial compositions vary sharply. In playing the gatekeeper role, they risk running afoul of fair housing standards because discussing school quality can become a proxy for talking about a community’s makeup.

As the National Association of Realtors stated in a 2014 post on its website, “Discussions about schools can raise questions about steering if there is a correlation between the quality of the schools and neighborhood racial composition.”

Characterizations about schools with low test scores, for example, or comments that reference a “‘community with declining schools’ become code words for racial or other differences in the community,” the post states. As a result, such comments become “fair-housing issues.”

Additionally, fair-housing experts say touting or disparaging schools can put agents in legal jeopardy because many lack the expertise to make such judgments.

“Since when did real estate agents become experts on schools?” asked Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, who served as a Newsday consultant.

“It’s ridiculous because they cannot, they should not be trusted to provide objective information about schools and school performance rates,” Freiberg said.

“I might go into an area and maybe it’s not the highest scores I’m looking for for my son. Maybe it’s the music program. There could be a lot of different reasons why I would think a school was better or worse for my son that has nothing to do with test scores, certainly nothing to do with race.”

While some agents tested by Newsday told customers that they were legally barred from talking about schools, fair-housing experts say agents may provide information so long as it is strictly factual – and provided equally to customers.

The National Association of Realtors made clear that agents have a narrow pathway that involves sticking to “objective information,” not their personal opinions.

The author suggested that agents provide prospective homebuyers with school or community websites that provide ratings and data.

“The best thing a Realtor can do is guide them to third-party information, so they can make a decision on their own,” the post recommends.

Some agents touted districts as highly rated. Some denigrated districts as undesirable places to invest in homes. Whether based on facts or simply their own beliefs, some expressed perceptions about district performances that were in line with pointing buyers toward communities with substantial white populations and away from more integrated areas.

Examine how it’s done
Part 12

Inside LI agents’ training

Classes attended by Newsday show inaccurate, incomplete or confusing sessions, experts say.

State-required continuing education classes in real estate law and practices are supposed to cover fair housing regulations and how agents and brokers might deliberately or unintentionally discriminate.

Instead, in five of six classes attended by Newsday reporters, instructors provided information that was sometimes or often inaccurate, incomplete, confusing or lacking in quantity and quality, according to eight fair housing experts who reviewed transcripts and notes of the sessions.

Some instructors made comments about ethnic and religious groups that risked reinforcing discriminatory attitudes, the experts said. One instructor likened fair-housing laws to speed limits faced by a cab driver rushing a customer to the airport, telling students: “You get to choose whether you break the law.”

Other instructors filled class time with irrelevant material, such as reviews of television shows and descriptions of funeral rituals.

One described Rockville Centre as “lily white,” referred to West Islip as “white Islip” and used derogatory racial and religious terms.

Only one of the six classes included the required three hours of fair-housing law training.

The experts examined the transcripts of four classes in which instructors set no rules against recording or quotation. They also reviewed notes on one class where the instructor barred recording but placed no restrictions on quoting. The instructor in the sixth class said she did not want to be quoted.

The instructors included the president of the Long Island Board of Realtors and three former presidents, including one who is now an attorney for the board.

New York State law requires real estate agents to attend 22.5 hours of continuing education every two years to renew their licenses. The material must include the three hours of instruction in upholding anti-discrimination laws. The state permits up to 10 minutes of break time during each hour of instruction.

Many agents opt to take in-person classes to keep their licenses up to date. LIBOR reported 14,034 registrations for its own classes and 9,703 registrations for online classes in 2017, its most recent available tax filings show. To see how Long Island agents were trained, Newsday reporters registered online for in-person fair-housing classes offered by LIBOR.

“The trainers veered pretty far away from actually covering the important topics that a Realtor or real estate agent would need to understand in order to comply with their obligations,” said Thomas Silverstein, associate counsel with the Fair Housing & Community Development Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law in Washington, D.C., who reviewed transcripts and notes from three classes.

What happened at trainings
Part 13

How we did it

Newsday sent 25 people undercover with hidden cameras for months of paired testing.

The young white man was an actor, the young black man a drug store worker. They were going undercover with constructed identities – new families, new ages, new addresses, new incomes, new jobs. The white man was cloaked as a building contractor, the black man as a piano tuner.

Married without children to a working wife with a household income of $125,000, their essential personas were interchangeable – except for the black-and-white distinguishing factor of race.

One month apart in the spring of 2016, each strapped a tiny camera to his chest with a miniature lens that peeked through a button hole of his shirt. Then, with the camera running, each separately met with one of Long Island’s 27,000 licensed residential real estate brokers and agents.

Posing as first-time house hunters in the spring of 2016, white actor Steven Makropoulos and black drug store worker Ryan Sett led a 25-member platoon of white, black, Hispanic and Asian New Yorkers into Newsday’s investigation of residential brokering.

Ordinary folks stocked the platoon: a 20-year-old college student, a 69-year-old lawyer, teachers, a computer tech, actors and more. All were recruited by Newsday to work as paired testers in the hope of measuring how often, if at all, agents provided unequal service to white and minority house hunters.

Collectively, they went undercover with agents for 16 months and recorded 240 hours of video in 109 tests conducted from April 2016 to August 2017. A professional court reporter created typed transcripts of the meetings between testers and agents. Newsday journalists reviewed the transcripts for accuracy and used them to verify that testers had, in fact, presented matching profiles to agents.

This is the story behind the three-year investigation.

Inside our investigation

Lead writers: Ann Choi, Keith Herbert and Olivia Winslow Project editor: Arthur Browne Reporters: Choi, Bill Dedman, Herbert and Winslow Data analysis and visuals: Choi Strategic planning and methodology: Dedman Additional reporting: Maura McDermott and Deborah S. Morris Contributors: Rachelle Blidner, Mark Harrington, Bart Jones, Carol Polsky, Chau Lam, David Olson and Nicholas Spangler Project manager: Tara Conry Assistant project manager: Heather Doyle Data visuals and additional data reporting: Will Welch Additional editing: Doug Dutton and Robert Shields Video directors: Jeffrey Basinger and Robert Cassidy Video editors: Basinger, Matthew Golub and Megan Miller Videographers: Basinger, Raychel Brightman, Cassidy, Shelby Knowles, Alejandra Villa Loarca, Arnold Miller, Chris Ware and Yeong-Ung Yang Aerial Photography: Basinger, Ware and Yang Motion Graphics: Basinger Media Management: Alexa Coveney, Golub and Greg Inserillo Photography: Basinger, Cassidy, Knowles, Villa Loarca, Arnold Miller, William Perlman, Ware, Yang UX design director Matthew Cassella Digital design: Anthony Carrozzo, Mitch Severe and James Stewart Director of development: TC McCarthy Development: John Tomanelli and Will Welch Homepage video: Miguel Cubillos Additional project management: Anthony Bottan Social media: Anahita Pardiwalla, Elaine Piniat Digital Quality Assurance: Daryl Becker, Sumeet Kaur Research: Caroline Curtin, Nyasia Draper, Dorothy Levin, Laura Mann and Judy Weinberg Editorial support: Kim Fiorio Copy editing: Don Bruce and Leema Thomas Print graphics: Gustavo Pabón Print design: Seth Mates

Real Estate Investigation Videos

The investigative team explains

Long Islanders’ Stories

Veteran denied a Levittown home

Long Island’s most diverse school

She was forced out of her Rockville Centre home

White Zone

No house hunter asked specifically to live in three Long Island communities where white residents dominate the population – but seven real estate agents specifically suggested them almost exclusively to white potential buyers during Newsday’s investigation.

Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre in Nassau County emerged in the testing as places that these agents overwhelmingly chose for the white customers but not for their matching, paired minority home seekers. The makeup of the communities ranges from 75 percent white to 88 percent white.

The agents’ choices matched the demographics of the towns: The seven gave their white customers 13 times more listings in the communities than they provided to matching minority buyers. Two suggested homes there only to their white customers.

In all seven tests, Newsday’s two fair-housing consultants – Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, and Robert Schwemm, professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law – independently detected evidence of steering.

Real estate agents engage in steering, which is outlawed under the Fair Housing Act, by encouraging members of racial or ethnic groups to consider particular neighborhoods and discouraging others based on race, ethnicity or religion.

While meeting with the seven agents, Newsday testers – one white, the other black, Hispanic or Asian – posed as first-time buyers who were considering a general location rather than a precise neighborhood.

For example, they asked for help finding $600,000 houses within an hour’s commute to Manhattan, $450,000 houses within 30 minutes of Garden City or $500,000 properties within a half-hour of Bethpage.

Following protocols used in paired testing by government-sponsored fair housing enforcement investigations, the testers were matched by qualities such as gender, age and education and presented comparable personal profiles and home-search criteria.

The territories covered by the requests gave the agents authority to recommend houses in communities whose demographics ranged widely. Those varied from 97 percent black and Hispanic Roosevelt to 23 percent Asian Hicksville to 88 percent white Merrick.

When white and minority buyers are matched and make comparable requests for help finding houses, agents should, in theory, give them roughly similar listings to consider in comparable places. Wide disparities could show evidence of racial or ethnic steering.

All things being equal, a map of the listings an agent suggested to paired testers would distribute the listings evenly across an area.

Agents did, in fact, recommend houses to white, black, Hispanic and Asian testers at similar levels in some communities.

Consider, for example, Bellmore, Wantagh, Seaford, Massapequa and Massapequa Park, five communities that stretch six miles along the South Shore. Their populations are 85 percent to 90 percent white. All told, 22 agents located 616 listings in those communities, distributing the listings between white and minority buyers in roughly similar numbers.

As one example, 12 agents suggested 114 Wantagh listings, giving 57 percent to white customers and 43 percent to matching minority buyers. As another, 14 agents suggested 273 Massapequa listings, giving 42 percent to white customers and 58 percent to matching minority buyers.

Coldwell Banker Residential agent Robert Stiles suggested comparable numbers of homes in the South Shore communities to white and minority testers when the testers, one white, the other Asian, sought his help finding $450,000 homes within a half-hour of Hempstead. Stiles did not respond to multiple requests for an interview.

Based in Bellmore, Stiles recommended two listings in Wantagh to each customer, while also pointing out three Bellmore listings to the white customer and two to the Asian house hunter.

In seven tests:Agents placed 94% of the listings for Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre with white house hunters

In contrast, seven agents provided listings that favored white over minority house hunters in Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre.

Separated by as few as five miles and as many as 12, Merrick, Rockville Centre and Levittown sit at the points of a triangle in the middle of Long Island’s South Shore.

The three have been solid places to invest in housing: Home values appreciated at least 3.4 percent per year since 1990, a rate faster than experienced in two-thirds of Long Island’s communities, according to a Newsday analysis of the Federal Housing Finance Agency price index.

Although similar in demographics, they have distinct characters and histories.

Rockville Centre offers a close-in commute to New York City on the Long Island Rail Road’s Babylon branch and is home to the imposing edifice of St. Agnes Cathedral, the seat of Long Island’s Roman Catholic diocese. Single-family houses, ranging from Capes to rambling Tudors, line leafy streets. The school district touts that 91 percent of the 2018 high school graduates earned a Regents diploma with advanced designation.

Almost one in five of the district’s students is black or Hispanic. While the minority children are dispersed throughout the schools, white and minority families live largely in separate areas. Most black residents are clustered in attached housing in a corner of the village close to the train tracks, a legacy of bitterly fought, so-called urban renewal that bulldozed a historic black settlement a half century ago.

Merrick is a prosperous community that boasts highly rated schools, access to the South Shore bayfront and a drive of less than 10 minutes to Jones Beach. Its median household income is almost $140,000 – roughly one-third higher than the Nassau County median. A significant Jewish population supports four synagogues, and there is a thriving Catholic parish.

While Merrick is largely homogenous, with a population that is 88 percent white, its western boundary, the Meadowbrook Parkway, sits like a barrier to two overwhelmingly minority communities, Roosevelt and Freeport.

To the northeast, the concrete slabs on which William Levitt built 17,000 tract houses on farmland in the late 1940s that became Levittown formed a crucial foundation for the construction of suburban Long Island.

His legacy today is a place in which many homes have been expanded, families stay through generations and the community takes pride in the strength of its schools, the bustle of its library and recreation facilities that include eight pools.

Levitt’s legacy also includes Levittown’s identity as an overwhelmingly white community due to covenants barring blacks that Levitt wrote into his initial deeds. While diversity has increased, with growing Hispanic and Asian representations, Levittown’s share of African Americans still hovers at roughly 1 percent.

In the seven tests cited as showing evidence of steering into and away from Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre, agents recommended 156 listings in the three communities – placing 93 percent of the listings with white house hunters.

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An additional 13 agents also selected listings in Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre. Although these agents directed 71 percent of these listings to white buyers, Newsday’s consultants said differences in the placement of listings given to white and minority testers were not large enough to show patterns of steering.

Cumulatively, the 20 agents provided 82 percent of their Merrick, Levittown and Rockville Centre listings to white home buyers – a figure roughly in line with the white makeup of the three towns.

Two paired tests conducted over a three-month period in 2017 illustrate the imbalances that came into play in Levittown and Merrick as agents recommended homes for white and Hispanic buyers in both communities.

TEST 107
Pedro Jimenez

Hispanic tester

Sent to some majority white areas but not Merrick, Levittown
Gabriel Kennedy

White tester

Sent to mostly white areas including Merrick, Levittown

In one of the tests, white and Hispanic buyers asked Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage agent Maria Vermeulen for help finding $475,000 houses within 30 minutes of Hempstead.

Vermeulen, who was based in Massapequa Park, recommended 28 homes in Levittown and seven homes in Merrick to the white buyer. She offered no homes in either community to the Hispanic buyer.

Instead, she pointed the Hispanic buyer east to Wantagh, Seaford and Massapequa, which are among the predominantly white communities where agents provided roughly equal listings to white and minority testers. She also suggested homes there to the white buyer.

Based on information provided by Newsday, fair housing consultant Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, concluded:

“The selection of home listings by the agent raises concern about possible steering. Although the agent selected many home listings for both testers in predominantly white areas, only the white tester received listings in the predominantly white areas of Levittown and Merrick.”

Consultant Robert Schwemm found that the 7-0 gap in the listings that Vermeulen provided in Merrick to the white and Hispanic testers “is large enough to make out a case of pro-white steering to Merrick.” Similarly, he judged that the 28-0 difference in Levittown “is large enough to make out a case of pro-white steering to Levittown.”

There, he added: “The conduct seems to violate the Fair Housing Act vis-a-vis Levittown, potentially producing claims by both the minority testers and the town.”

Newsday sent Vermeulen a letter detailing the findings of the tests, invited her by letter and email to view video recordings of her interactions with testers and requested an interview. She did not respond to the letter and email or to a later telephone message seeking comment.

Newsday presented its findings by letter to Charlie Young, president and chief executive officer of Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage. The letter covered the actions of Vermeulen and additional Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage agents.

The company’s national director of public relations, Roni Boyles, wrote in an emailed statement:

“Incidents reported by Newsday that are alleged to have occurred more than two years ago are completely contrary to our long term commitment and dedication to supporting and maintaining all aspects of fair and equitable housing.

“Upholding the Fair Housing Act remains one of our highest priorities, and we expect the same level of commitment of the more than 750 independent real estate salespersons who chose to affiliate with Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage on Long Island. We take this matter seriously and have addressed the alleged incidents with the salespersons.”

Coldwell Banker declined to discuss the company’s responses to specific cases.

TEST 102
Pedro Jimenez

Hispanic tester

Offered no listings in mostly white Levittown
Richard Helling

White tester

Received 22 listings in mostly white Levittown

In the second test that entailed Merrick and Levittown listings, white and Hispanic house hunters relied on Century 21 agent Gina Minutoli for assistance in seeking $500,000 homes within an hour of Manhattan.

The agent, based in East Meadow, gave the white buyer 22 choices in Levittown and 19 in Merrick while providing the Hispanic customers with no Levittown possibilities, plus three Merrick listings to consider.

Instead, Minutoli directed the Hispanic buyer to Bellmore, Wantagh, East Meadow and Westbury, while also providing the white buyer with choices in those areas.

Freiberg concluded that the selection of listings in both Levittown and Merrick “raises concerns about possible steering.”

Schwemm saw “pro-white steering” to Merrick and Levittown in both tests and said more generally, “These tests taken together show a clear pattern of pro-white steering to Merrick.”

Newsday detailed the findings to Minutoli by letter, invited her by letter and email to view video recordings of her interactions with testers and requested an interview. She, along with a fellow agent and branch manager reviewed Newsday’s video recording and listings maps, but none of them commented at the time.

More than a month later when Newsday reached out to her for a comment, Minutoli said: “I had gotten an email from someone. It’s extremely unfounded. It’s so untrue. I was told by everyone not to comment. It’s sad, that’s all I’m going to say. It’s so not me.”

Similar imbalances in listings offered in Levittown in one test (18 for a white buyer, three for a black buyer) and in two tests in Merrick (six for a white buyer, two for a black buyer; and 15 for a white buyer, two for a Hispanic buyer) prompted Freiberg and Schwemm to detect possible evidence of pro-white steering.

TEST 65
Lenora Smith

Black tester

Kimberly Larkin Battista

White tester

Both were offered multiple listings in mostly white Levittown

A single agent, who showed no evidence of providing disparate treatment or steering, accounted for two-thirds of the listings provided to minority house hunters in Levittown. Ethiel Melicio of Century 21 Catapano Homes gave 60 Levittown listings to his white customer, while also providing a substantial number – 23 – to his black client in searches for $500,000 homes within a half-hour of Bethpage.

Newsday presented its findings by letter to Michael Miedler, president and chief executive officer of Century 21 Real Estate LLC. The letter covered the actions of Minutoli, Melicio and additional Century 21 agents. Miedler and Melicio did not respond to requests for comment.

Collectively, six agents recommended homes to buyers in Rockville Centre. Two of the tests showed evidence of steering, the consultants said.

TEST 79
Lenora Smith

Black tester

Offered no listings in Garden City, Rockville Centre
Gretchen Olson

White tester

Sent to mostly white Garden City, Rockville Centre

In one of those tests, black and white house hunters asked Coach Realtors agent Mary Weille to recommend homes priced at up to $600,000 in neighborhoods within an hour commute of Manhattan.

Weille stressed to both buyers that their budgets would not stretch far in her home base of Garden City because most homes were more expensive than $600,000. She suggested five house listings in sections of Rockville Centre that averaged 83 percent white to the white buyer.

Weille did not mention Rockville Centre to the black customer and offered no home possibilities there.

According to Zillow, more than two dozen Rockville Centre houses were listed as available within the price range on the date when the black customer met with Weille.

TEST 80
Kelvin Tune

Black tester

Offered one listing in Rockville Centre, none in Merrick
Lawrence Samuels

White tester

Offered 18 listings in Rockville Centre, 14 in Merrick

In the second test cited as showing evidence of steering in Rockville Centre, Coach Realtors agent Jayne McGratty Armstrong responded to white and black buyers seeking $600,000 houses within an hour of Manhattan. She offered 18 houses there to the white buyer and only one to the black customer. At the same time, she provided the white buyer with 14 choices in Merrick and none to the black customer.

Both McGratty and Weille work for Coach Realtors. Newsday detailed the test findings by letter, invited them by letter and email to view video recordings of their interactions with testers and requested interviews. Neither responded.

Three leaders of Coach Realtors – Georgianna Finn, the firm’s founder, Lawrence Finn, a company owner, and Whitney LaCosta, principal and broker of record – viewed Newsday’s video recordings and listings maps. They declined to comment.

– With Rachelle Blidner, Bart Jones, Deborah S. Morris and Carol Polsky

Watch videos of the tests

Sources: Demographic data in maps from Census Bureau 2016 American Community Survey five-year estimates.


Hispanics face hurdles as population grows

Pedro Jimenez expected to find evidence of some discrimination as a Hispanic searching for a home on Long Island. He found more than he imagined as a member of the Island’s largest minority group.

Jimenez asked eight real estate agents for help buying houses as a paired tester in Newsday’s investigation of discrimination in real estate sales. Five of the eight tests produced evidence that agents had subjected Jimenez to unequal treatment when compared with his white counterparts.

“It is alarming. It is crazy,” he said. “It’s 2018, I cannot stress that enough – this is 50 years after the civil rights marches. I remember all sorts of people saying, well, we’re post racial, we voted a black president. No, we’re not. Obviously, we are not.”

Jimenez, 45, is a computer and internet professional who was born in the Dominican Republic.

As a boy of 5, he followed his mother to immigrate legally to the United States. He grew up in the Corona section of Queens, attended New York City public schools and helped his mother earn income by making belts in the family’s apartment.

Jimenez also remembers that the social surroundings taught him to distinguish between light-skinned and dark-skinned fellow Hispanics, those of darker tones being looked down upon.

The milieu also included attitudes toward women and gays that he long ago grew to consider backwards.

“I’ve been everything. I’ve been the misogynist. I’ve been the racist. I’ve been the homophobe. Over time I just came to learn almost in evolutionary steps there is no basis for those things,” Jimenez said. “You don’t know these people, how can you cast this light on people you don’t know? And not only that, but by having this view I am causing this suffering.”

That evolution, Jimenez believes, outpaced the attitudes of real estate agents he encountered as an undercover tester.

“What this says to the Latino population is that, clearly, you’re going to be steered, especially if you leave yourself at the mercy of the agent,” he said.

Latinos compose 18 percent of the Island’s population, according to 2017 census estimates, followed by blacks at 9 percent and Asians at nearly 7 percent. They are spread widely, with 90 percent of the population living in 120 of the Island’s 291 communities. The United States Census Bureau defines Hispanics and Latinos as people of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.

Jimenez was one of five Hispanic testers who went undercover in Newsday’s investigation.

They engaged with agents representing 12 of the Island’s largest brokering firms in offices located from Massapequa Park, Brentwood and East Hampton on the South Shore to Great Neck and Northport on the North Shore. Using aliases with Hispanic surnames, they said they were looking for houses with prices that ranged from $400,000 to $3 million.

All told, Newsday’s:five Hispanic testers met evidence of disparate treatment
39% of the time

Jimenez, Ashley Creary, Nana Ponceleon, Liza Colpa and Jesus Rivera went house hunting 31 times while paired with matching white testers. Twelve of the tests showed evidence that agents:

  • Provided the group 12 percent fewer listings than the white buyers in those tests, with the gap larger in the overwhelmingly white communities of Rockville Centre, Oceanside, Roslyn, Levittown, Merrick and Kings Park. There, the agents gave white testers seven times more homes to consider than they provided to matching Hispanic testers.
  • Focused Hispanic testers on houses in 18 census tracts in the Town of Huntington that took in the downtown area, then stretched north to Halesite and south to Huntington Station, South Huntington and West Hills. They picked listings in these areas for Hispanic testers at double the rate they did for white buyers. Eleven of the 18 tracts show growing Hispanic populations.
  • In one case, imposed more stringent requirements on a Hispanic tester than a white buyer, amounting to a denial of equal service, according to evaluations by Newsday’s fair housing consultants.
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Following are three case histories showing evidence that Hispanic house hunters experienced disparate treatment, along with the findings of Newsday’s fair housing consultants Fred Freiberg and Robert Schwemm.

The opinions of Freiberg and Schwemm are based on data provided by Newsday. Their judgments are not legal conclusions.

The case histories each include the experts’ findings, and responses of agents and the companies they represent.

TEST 42

Agent gives fewer listings to Hispanic buyer, directs him to more diverse communities

Richard Helling and Pedro Jimenez presented identical requests to Charles Rutenberg agent Maurice Johnson three weeks apart in the spring of 2017: As first-time house hunters who were new to Long Island, each sought help finding a $500,000 home within 20 minutes of Garden City.

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Johnson mentioned 12 communities as possibilities to Helling, who is white, and suggested that he might like to live in waterfront communities.

While meeting with Jimenez, who is Hispanic, Johnson offered no list of communities and did not mention the waterfront.

Test 42 The house search Within 20 minutes of Garden City and up to $500,000
Pedro Jimenez
Hispanic Tester:

Pedro Jimenez


Listings Given:

100


Census Tracts:

56% white on average

Richard Helling
White Tester:

Richard Helling


Listings Given:

147


Census Tracts:

64% white on average

Johnson told Helling that Half Hollow Hills, at the time 59 percent white, was a “good school district” and expressed regret that, in his view, the law would bar him from warning a customer away from overwhelmingly minority Wyandanch, where, he said, “the school district is underperforming.”

His listings gave Helling almost 50 percent more home choices to consider than Jimenez – 147 to 100.

Comparable numbers of similarly priced homes were on the market in the area at the times of the two tests, according to Zillow, the internet-based house-listing service. Zillow drew the data for Newsday at no cost from the Multiple Listing Service of Long Island, the online network used by agents to keep up with properties for sale.

The house selections also directed Helling to tracts whose white populations were on average 8 percentage points higher than in the tracts to which he pointed Jimenez: 64 percent white to 56 percent white.

The listings map shows that he pointed Helling toward:

  • 86 percent white Oceanside with 16 listings, offering none there to Jimenez.
  • 86 percent white Merrick and North Merrick with 19 listings, recommending only two there to Jimenez.
  • 66 percent white Mineola with four listings, providing none there to Jimenez.

At the same time, Johnson directed Jimenez toward:

  • 85 percent minority Elmont with seven listings, giving none there to Helling.
  • 66 percent minority Baldwin and North Baldwin, as well as 51 percent minority Baldwin Harbor with 15 listings, offering Helling five in Baldwin and Baldwin Harbor.
  • 81 percent minority Malverne School District with 11 listings, recommending none there to Helling.

Experts’ Findings

Freiberg: The agent’s conduct on this test raises a concern about possible racial steering. The agent told the white tester about a school district that is good, Half Hollow Hills (59 percent white), and states that he is not allowed to tell buyers that an adjacent school district, Wyandanch (1 percent white), is under-performing. He does not provide these examples to the Hispanic tester but refers both testers to greatschools.org to obtain more information about schools. Most of the home listings the agent selected in the predominantly white communities of Merrick, Island Park, Rockville Center and Oceanside were given to the white tester. Most of the home listings the agent selected in the predominantly minority communities of Baldwin and Elmont were given to the Hispanic tester, as well as the Malverne School District.

Schwemm: Lots of apparent steering here.

From west to east, the agent seems to have provided four differing groups of listings:

The agent located the most listings for the Hispanic tester in the far westerly area, particularly to the north with highly diverse schools.

In the second westerly area, the agent placed a few Hispanic listings, in the most diverse parts, while placing mostly white listings in the least diverse school districts.

The second most easterly area shows few Hispanics listings with mostly white listings in the least diverse school districts.

In the most easterly area, the agent placed the Hispanic tester’s listings in the north and the white tester’s listings in the south, where schools are less diverse.

Agent’s Response

Informed of Newsday’s findings, Johnson did not respond personally. His lawyer, R. Joseph Coryat, reviewed both the video recordings of Johnson’s meetings with testers and the maps of where he placed listings for each tester. Newsday provided Coryat copies of all communications between the testers and Johnson.

He accused Newsday of unfairly editing one of Johnson’s videos because the first 10 seconds of greeting between Johnson and a tester were trimmed to protect the privacy of unrelated third parties. Newsday gave Coryat a transcript of the trimmed section and invited him to view it. He never did so.

Newsday also sent Coryat specific questions about how Johnson selected the listings and provided excerpts of moments during the meetings that appeared to have been of interest to Coryat after he viewed the videos. He did not answer the questions.

Joseph Moshe, founder of Charles Rutenberg Realty, viewed Newsday’s recordings of three Charles Rutenberg agents, including Johnson. Subsequently, he offered no comments.

Watch videos of the test
TEST 07

Agent points Hispanic buyer toward minority school districts, does opposite for white buyer

Seven months apart, Nana Ponceleon and Kimberly Larkin-Battista told Charles Rutenberg agent Stephanie Giordano that each had a school-age child and was seeking to buy a $400,000 house within 30 minutes of Brentwood.

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Ponceleon is Hispanic from Venezuela. She used the alias Rita Viloria and said her husband was Luis. Larkin-Battista is white. She used the alias Karen Wally. Her husband’s name did not come up in the conversation.

Giordano advised each to research the quality of schools in communities where they might want to live and said she would provide a link to a helpful digital database.

The school districts in and around Brentwood varied in the makeup of their student bodies and educational performance. Comparing their high schools offers a picture.

Brentwood High School’s student population in 2018 was 83 percent Hispanic, 11 percent black, 4.2 percent white and 2 percent Asian. Twenty-one percent of the 1,500 graduates earned a Regents Diploma with Advanced Designation, signaling they had passed at least eight Regents exams, New York State Education Department statistics show.

In the adjoining district, Bay Shore Senior High School had 474 graduates, with 35 percent earning advanced designation diplomas. The high school’s demographics broke down as 43 percent Hispanic, 30 percent white, 21 percent black and 5 percent Asian, state statistics show.

To the north and east, two Sachem district high schools combined for the graduation of 1,106 students, with 59 percent earning advanced designation diplomas. State statistics show their full student bodies were approximately 77 percent white, 12 percent Hispanic, 8 percent Asian and 3 percent black. Closer to Brentwood is the Connetquot district, which in 2018 graduated 481 students, with 63 percent earning advanced designation diplomas. Its student body was 77 percent white, 14 percent Hispanic, 6 percent Asian and 2 percent black. After Ponceleon told Giordano that she worked close to the city, Giordano said that she would focus the house search narrowly. “In Brentwood Bay Shore areas – we’ll try to keep you around here,” she said, referring to two predominantly minority communities.

Test 07 The house search Within 30 minutes of Brentwood and up to $400,000
Nana Ponceleon
Hispanic Tester:

Nana Ponceleon


Listings Given:

76


Census Tracts:

65% white on average

Kimberly Larkin Battista
White Tester:

Kimberly Larkin-Battista


Listings Given:

155


Census Tracts:

81% white on average

Although Ponceleon had told Giordano that distance was not an immediate concern, Giordano added: “Also, what – I don’t want to bring you any further out east because you travel to New York.”

While meeting with Larkin-Battista, who said that she worked as a teacher in Queens, Giordano recommended searching in areas other than Brentwood. Referring to Larkin-Battista’s husband, she said:

“If he’s in Brentwood, you’re gonna want to be in the – the surrounding areas.”

After telling Larkin-Battista “to really kind of zone in on” school ratings, she added, “the areas that could surround would be Bay Shore, Islip. You could even do Hauppauge.”

Giordano sent Ponceleon 74 listings. As she had indicated, she weighted them toward Brentwood and Bay Shore. The listings included 27 houses in Bay Shore, including nine in the Brentwood school district, and spread the rest farther east. They fell in tracts with populations that average 66 percent white.

In contrast, Giordano provided Larkin-Battista double the number of listings, 152, none in Bay Shore or the Brentwood school district. Instead, she distributed them as much as 14 miles to the east in predominantly white Farmingville. The tracts averaged 81 percent white. She offered Ponceleon no listings in Farmingville.

Based on school boundaries, Giordano’s 27 listings pointed only Ponceleon to the predominantly minority Brentwood and Bay Shore districts, where, respectively, 21 percent and 35 percent of the graduates earned advanced Regent’s designation diplomas in 2018.

Conversely, at 87 listings, Giordano offered Larkin-Battista nearly four times the opportunity she gave Ponceleon to consider houses in the predominantly white Sachem school district, which has two high schools, where a combined 59 percent of the graduates earned Advanced Regent’s designation diplomas. The proportion of listings was similar in the predominantly white Connetquot district, with 46 for Larkin-Battista and 12 for Ponceleon.

Overall, Giordano provided the white tester listings in areas that averaged 81 percent white, while giving the Hispanic tester listings in areas that averaged 66 percent white.

Drawing on data from the Multiple Listing Service of Long Island, the online network used by agents to keep up with properties for sale, Zillow computed that more than 300 homes were actively on the market up to a half hour from Brentwood on the dates of both tests, at prices within 10 percent of the requested cost.

Ponceleon and Larkin-Battista each said that they had seen no reason to question Giordano’s actions until after they had compared results.

“At the beginning it was like, oh, OK, and then when I thought about it I was like, hmmm. Same circumstances, same income, same requests, different result,” Ponceleon said. “Definitely, there is, in my mind there’s a bias there. It’s quite obvious, I guess. Because it’s not minute, the difference. It’s huge, in terms of number of listings, in terms of percentage of white population. It’s a big enough spread to say I was not given the same options.”

Larkin-Battista said she was taken aback both that Giordano had given her more home choices than she gave to Ponceleon and that the locations were often separate.

“It’s really upsetting to me that it could be that stark of a difference and just that people wouldn’t know,” Larkin-Battista said, highlighting that house hunters generally cannot evaluate how agents serve them compared with others.

Experts’ Findings

Frieberg: The agent’s comments to the white tester about Brentwood’s surrounding area coupled with the initial selection of home listings provided both testers suggests possible steering. The agent only provided listings in Brentwood and Bay Shore, both predominantly minority communities, to the Hispanic tester and the same agent only provided listings to the white tester in predominately white areas.

Schwemm: Overall, steering seems clear.

Most white listings are shown in eastern areas (particularly northern part) where less than half of the Hispanic listings are shown. The majority of Hispanic listings are shown in western, more diverse areas, where less than half of whites are shown.

Agent’s Response

After reviewing video of the two tests at Newsday, along with maps of the listings, Giordano vehemently denied any suggestion of disparate treatement based on race or ethnicity.

Her lawyer, Michael Janus, later wrote in an email that Giordano sends listings to clients by entering search criteria they provide into a computer system; that Giordano “is perplexed on how she would know the ethnic background of the tester since she never asked and never would have asked her what ethnicity she was, as this is illegal.”

“She has never refused to show in an area or ever hinted to a customer that one area would be better for them based on their race,” Janus said, adding that Giordano recommended houses to the Hispanic tester in Ronkonkoma, “which would be considered a higher demographic of white people.”

Joseph Moshe, founder of Charles Rutenberg Realty, viewed Newsday’s recordings of three Charles Rutenberg agents, including Giordano. Subsequently, he offered no comments.

Watch videos of the test
TEST 87

Agent gives only white tester listings in predominantly white Roslyn

Posing as first-time home buyers, Pedro Jimenez and white counterpart Richard Helling met with Laffey Real Estate agents Diane Leyden and Neil Gortler less than a month apart in the spring of 2017.

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Leyden and Gortler broker home sales around the Great Neck and Port Washington peninsulas. On her Laffey web page, Leyden describes herself as having “a unique and formidable presence within the Great Neck community.”

The nearby localities include Manhasset and Roslyn, where median home sales prices hover around $1 million. The racial and ethnic compositions of some areas have changed rapidly, notably with the arrival of Asian households.

The population of Manhasset Hills, for example, shifted from 67 percent white in 2010 to 45 percent white seven years later, with Asians making up 43 percent of the community, Hispanics 11 percent and blacks zero in 2017.

Test 87 The house search On the North Shore and up to $1,500,000
Pedro Jimenez
Hispanic Tester:

Pedro Jimenez


Listings Given:

27


Census Tracts:

69% white on average

Richard Helling
White Tester:

Richard Helling


Listings Given:

31


Census Tracts:

76% white on average

Before Jimenez had time to present his profile – $1.5-million house, $300,000 down payment, $340,000 annual family income – to the agents, Leyden told him:

“Basically, what I suggest first-time home buyers to do is figure out more or less what their monthly payments – what their living expense so they’re not – so they’re not eating spaghetti, tuna fish, and they can – can go to the movies and take their kids to, you know, a ballgame once in a while.”

She offered Helling no similar counseling.

Instead, she offered Helling – and not Jimenez – advice on shopping for a house in a diversifying area.

Saying she was not speaking in “a negative way” about his lack of knowledge of the area, Leyden told Helling to research community makeups “because you might be more comfortable in a certain demographic area that isn’t heavily one way or another in terms of people.”

“Do you want your kids to be in school with kids that they relate to?” she asked, adding, “I would assume, as well as a diverse population.”

Leyden pressed Helling to look up community demographics on Google, indicating that she could run afoul of fair-housing laws against steering if she provided the information. Even so, she told Helling that after he had done his own research, he could talk with Gortler about his findings.

“Neil and you can discuss that,” she said, “Privately when, you know . . . But I want you to get a feel of the town, of the different towns, what makes those towns tick. . . . And I can’t really give you that stuff without telling you to just do some research.”

Finally, Leyden told Gortler that he could give Helling “whatever information he’s looking for, ’cause he’s a standup guy.”

Following their meetings, the agents sent Helling 31 house listings and Jimenez 27. Helling’s fell in areas that averaged 76 percent white; Jimenez’s averaged 69 percent white. For both men, the listings spread across similar areas of Great Neck, Port Washington and Manhasset.

The agents’ choices for the two customers differed in one place:

They gave only Helling listings in the Roslyn school district, a total of six. The community’s composition has remained largely stable from 2010 to 2017, when the census counted the population at 80 percent white, less than 1 percent black, 6 percent Hispanic and 13 percent Asian.

Comparable numbers of similarly priced homes – approximately 20 -were on the market in the area at the times of the two tests, according to Zillow, the internet-based house-listing service. Zillow drew the data for Newsday at no cost from the Multiple Listing Service of Long Island, the online network used by agents to keep up with properties for sale.

Newsday later compared how the tests had played out for Jimenez and Helling as they sat side by side. Both keyed on how Leyden had focused on community demographics only with Helling.

“The subtext was clear,” Helling said. “They were going to steer me in directions, again, that they thought that I would want, or that would be better for me. Probably white, you know, or something along those lines.

“And they knew – the way they were saying those things, they knew it was wrong. They knew what they were doing was wrong. But they would help me because that’s how they wanted to ingratiate themselves.”

Jimenez said: “I’m actually surprised that nothing like that was said to me, that I was not offered at least under the table like that that maybe I would be more comfortable in certain areas.”

Experts’ Findings

Freiberg: The agent made troubling statements to the white tester that the tester might be “more comfortable” in a school district with children that the tester’s children could “relate to,” which suggests steering. The agent did not make these types of remarks to the Hispanic tester. While many of the listings selected by the agent for both testers were in areas of similar racial composition, the agent did not provide any listings to the Hispanic tester in Roslyn, the school district with the greatest white student population of all the areas selected.


Schwemm: There is possible evidence of steering based on demographic comments made to the white tester and not to the Hispanic tester. There is lots of overlap in the listings (indicating no discrimination), but there is blatant differential treatment regarding the imbalance of listings in Roslyn (6 to white tester vs. 0 for Hispanic tester). This would be a possible violation, but follow-up tests of this agent needed to justify litigation.

Agent’s Response

Newsday sent Leyden and Gortler letters detailing the findings of the tests, invited them by letter and email to view video recordings of their interactions with testers and requested interviews. They did not respond. Leyden did not respond to a phone message from Newsday to her office requesting comment. Gortler said when contacted: “I have absolutely no comment. Thank you.” Their company, Laffey Real Estate, did not respond to requests for comment.

Watch videos of the test

Sources: Demographic data in maps from Census Bureau 2016 American Community Survey five-year estimates.


Segregation

The segregation of blacks and whites has been embedded on Long Island as firmly as the Meadowbrook Parkway.

Heading north from the South Shore bayfront, the six-lane road divides overwhelmingly minority Freeport from overwhelmingly white Merrick; then overwhelmingly minority Roosevelt from overwhelmingly white North Merrick; then overwhelmingly minority Uniondale from East Meadow, where seven of 10 residents are white.

A swath of asphalt, concrete, grass and trees framed by green space, the parkway forms a barrier between communities that are as little as 1 percent white and as little as 2 percent black. The demarcations are stark even as the road serves as a conduit for more than 70,000 cars daily.

Long Island has 291 communities Most of its black residents live in just 11

As one of the most segregated suburbs in America, Long Island is crisscrossed by racial barriers. Some, like the Meadowbrook, are visible. Some are the invisible product of historical forces including zoning regulations, mortgage redlining, the boundaries of 124 school districts, housing prices, and racial steering and blockbusting — a tactic used by real estate agents to drive up sales, and commissions, by inducing blacks to move into a white neighborhood and then warning whites that property values were about to plummet.

For three years, Newsday investigated real estate practices on Long Island using a testing system in which whites and minorities, acting as home seekers, were paired to gauge how real estate agents treated them. The probe found that white testers were shown neighborhoods with higher proportions of white residents than black testers were, while the black testers were shown homes in more integrated neighborhoods. It also showed that certain minority areas were largely overlooked for everyone.

The divides are taken for granted even in places where they dictate that black and Hispanic children will learn only with black and Hispanic children, and white children will learn only with white children, in elementary schools a mile apart.

After studying Long Island, Myron Orfield, director of the Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity at the University of Minnesota Law School, sees “hard racial barriers where black communities are next to white communities and they stay very firm.” Orfield adds: “On Long Island, there’s hard walls. It’s a tough, tough wall there. When you see those hard, differential walls, underlying that there’s usually bigotry and prejudice that’s maintaining those hard walls.”

Half of Long Island’s black population lives in just 11 of the Island’s 291 communities, and 90 percent lives in just 62 of them, according to 2017 census estimates.

The concentrated housing pattern ranks the Island near the top nationally in statistical analyses of segregation.

Researchers use a standard called the dissimilarity index to measure racial and ethnic divisions. Put simply, the index identifies the percentage of two groups – for example, blacks and whites – that would have to move so that the members of each group become evenly distributed in a particular area.

The higher the index on a scale of zero to 100, the greater the segregation. At 100, blacks and whites would be totally separate. Any score above 60 indicates high segregation, researchers say.

Nassau County’s score of 78 ranked it as America’s most segregated county among those with 1.2 million-1.6 million residents, according to data from the 2010 census, the most recent performed.

The data also ranked Nassau the fourth most segregated county in New York State, behind the much larger and urban counties of Brooklyn and Queens, as well as Wyoming, an upstate county with a little more than 40,000 residents.

“This is typical of what we call hyper-segregated patterns,” says Douglas S. Massey, a Princeton University professor of sociology and public affairs who studies residential segregation.

With an index of 63, Suffolk County ranked 10th in the nation among similarly sized counties, and 19th on New York State’s roster of urban and suburban counties, according to the census data.

Combining the two counties to measure Long Island as a whole, Brown University sociology professor John Logan ranked the Island’s black-white segregation level 10th among 50 metropolitan areas with the largest black populations in the country. He calculated the index at 69.

The Island’s segregation stands at this level despite a decline in the index from 1990 to 2010, with Nassau falling 4 percentage points and Suffolk 7 points. It also accompanies climbing segregation in already highly segregated schools.

Rising Hispanic and Asian populations have driven up the proportions of minorities in Long Island’s schools while white representations have fallen, according to a Newsday analysis of state Education Department data.

White students composed 89 percent of public-school students in 1976. In 2018, they made up a little more than 50 percent. Hispanic students increased from 3 percent to 28 percent, while Asian students’ share rose from less than 1 percent to 9 percent from 1976 to 2018.

The black student percentage was relatively steady compared to other minority groups. Black students composed 7 percent in the 1976-77 school year, hit a high of 12 percent in 2000-01, then declined to 10 percent by 2018.

The demographic shifts were not balanced across all school districts. Only a handful have absorbed most of the black students, while white students remain in predominantly white districts.

The student bodies of 47 of Nassau’s 56 school districts were less than 10 percent black in 1976. The proportion of black students has risen above 10 percent in only nine of them. As a result, districts are more segregated than they were four decades ago.

In the last school year, 80 percent of white students attended schools where, on average, whites made up three-quarters of the students. In contrast, only 16 percent of black students attended majority white schools, down from 53 percent in 1976.

Lorna Lewis, superintendent of the Plainview-Old Bethpage School District, voiced concern over how neighborhood barriers, which affect school district boundaries, can adversely impact children’s educational opportunities.

During a drive along Clinton Road in Garden City into Clinton Street in neighboring Hempstead Village, Lewis reflected on the different educational opportunities and resources available in the school districts of those two communities.

She said it was a block “that divides the opportunity.”

“To me, that should not be,” added Lewis, whose term as president of the New York State Council of School Superintendents ended June 30.

“Our education should not be designed by the pocketbook, the ZIP code, the lines that we draw,” Lewis said. “That should not be the reason for educational outcomes. It really shouldn’t. And Long Island is full of that.”

Segregation was built into Long Island from its mid-20th century birth as an iconic American suburb.

A significant presence of African Americans on the Island began with slavery. According to a recent exhibit at the Long Island Museum, the 1698 census of Long Island’s population recorded 1,053 African Americans among a population of 8,261.

The Great Migration of blacks from the South to the North seeking greater opportunity brought an influx of black people to the Island in the 1950s, ’60s and ’70s, well before enactment of fair-housing laws in an era “when segregation was considered to be very legitimate,” Logan said.

Many left the Jim Crow South hoping to find a better life, only to find segregation in the North as well.

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Perhaps most notoriously, William J. Levitt, visionary creator of affordable suburban tracts, marketed the prefabricated, concrete-slab homes that would become Levittown with restrictive covenants barring leasing and sales to blacks.

“The tenant agrees not to permit the premises to be used or occupied by any person other than members of the Caucasian race,” one such covenant read. “But the employment and maintenance of other than Caucasian domestic servants shall be permitted.”

In a 1954 interview with the “Saturday Evening Post,” Levitt explained his racial exclusion policy this way:

“If we sell one house to a Negro family, then 90 to 95 percent of our white customers will not buy into the community. That is their attitude, not ours. We did not create it and we cannot cure it. As a company, our position is simply this: we can solve a housing problem or we can try to solve a racial problem. But we cannot combine the two.”

Eugene Burnett, who turned 90 in March, recalls driving to Levittown in 1950 to look at its brand-new houses, as so many veterans did. He and an Army buddy were interested in moving their families to the suburbs. Burnett was newly married and had been discharged from the service the year before.

Veteran denied a Levittown home

“I didn’t even know where Long Island was. It took us all day to find Levittown,” remembers Burnett, who lived in the South Bronx then.

The salesman balked, telling Burnett, “It’s not me, but the owner of this establishment has not at this time decided to sell to Negroes.”

“That was a real shock to me because while we were in the service, we used to tease the southern [black] soldiers about conditions in their states,” Burnett says, adding, “I didn’t expect they could tell me that, right out in the open in the state of New York, that they were going to discriminate against me.”

After the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated racial covenants in 1948, Levitt removed the clauses from company documents in 1949 but said he would continue to accept only white families. The discriminatory practice continued until April 1968, six days after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., when the company announced it would adopt a policy of “open housing” as a memorial to King.

Listen to the Newsday and Levittown podcast: A paper’s crusade and a history of discrimination
in LI’s foundational suburb

ERASE Racism, a Syosset-based social justice advocacy organization, noted in a report that “not one of Levittown’s 82,000 residents was African American” in 1960.

To this day, Levitt’s landmark Long Island settlement is home to few African Americans. In 2017, the census estimated the population at 75 percent white, 14 percent Hispanic, 7 percent Asian and 1 percent black.

The exclusion of blacks from Levittown and other suburban communities had financial consequences that reverberate today.

Richard Rothstein, author of “The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America,” calculated the wealth-building opportunity denied blacks who were barred from Levittown.

Rothstein wrote that Levittown homes sold for around $8,000 in 1948, the equivalent of $75,000 in today’s dollars. In 2017, the median sales price of a Levittown house without major remodeling was $350,000 and up. The current median sales price in Levittown is $460,000, according to the Multiple Listing Service of Long Island.

“White working-class families who bought those homes in 1948 have gained, over three generations, more than $200,000 in wealth,” he wrote.

An acknowledgment: Newsday missed a critical chance to lead

Segregation hardened rapidly on the Island starting around the time of the civil rights movement, propelled by white flight, racial steering and blockbusting by real estate agents in towns that today have the largest minority populations.

Elmont, Freeport, Hempstead, Lakeview, Westbury, Uniondale and Valley Stream in Nassau County, and Wheatley Heights in Suffolk County, all experienced panicked sell-offs by white residents who believed that property values would fall as blacks moved in.

The fastest white-to-black swing took place in Roosevelt, a town of 17,000 residents on the South Shore.

In 1960, Roosevelt was 82 percent white and 17 percent black. A decade later, the white share of the population had plummeted to 32 percent and the black share had swung up to 67 percent. The population in 2017 was estimated at 1.4 percent white.

Rita Lampkin and her husband, who are African American, were part of the demographic flip. In 1968, the couple looked to move from Queens to the suburbs with their two children. Lampkin, 88, knew Roosevelt, where she worked in the public library.

She recalls that a group promoting integration advised her to consider communities where the racial makeup appeared stable rather than communities such as Roosevelt, where the black population was surging.

The family bought a Cape-style house that backs up on a stand of trees and a streambed. Asked how she felt about the exodus of whites and the arrivals of blacks, she laughs. “Well my reaction was, let them leave. The blacks are just as good neighbors.”

In 1960, Lakeview’s population was about evenly split by race, 48 percent white and 52 percent black. That year, a racially mixed group of residents complained to the state attorney general that agents from 10 real estate brokerages had gone door to door with messages about the community’s changing demographics.

A decade later, Lakeview’s even black-white split was gone: The 1970 census counted 82 percent of residents as black and 17 percent as white. The transformation was long-lasting. The 2017 census estimate put the breakdown at 74 percent black, 18 percent Hispanic, 2 percent white and almost 1 percent Asian.

Elmont also saw a dramatic racial swing.

In 1964, a white couple, Don Olson and his wife, moved with their three children from the Bronx to Elmont, a Nassau community bordering Queens. Racial change swept the area in the 1970s.

“There was blockbusting in that time,” Olson said in an interview two years ago when he was 81. Olson died last August.

“There were commercials and notices in our mailboxes, and things like that,” he recalls. “Actually, the people that left, they left overnight. They sold their houses, but they did it quietly.”

Olson stayed. He spoke approvingly of the diversity of his neighbors.

“My next-door neighbor here is from Vietnam. And my neighbor behind me is from Vietnam also,” he says, adding, “My next-door neighbor is Spanish.”

Barred from Levittown, Army veteran Burnett and his wife, Bernice, bought a home where they still live in Suffolk’s Wheatley Heights, in 1960. By then, he was a sergeant on the county police force.

They were wary through their first nights there.

“In those days they would burn your house down the night before you moved in,” Burnett remembers. “I moved in here in the middle of the night and I stayed up all night sitting at the door because I had my babies in here.”

And, he says, he had his revolver – “my .38 special” – at the ready, just in case. But nothing violent unfolded.

Asked why he would risk moving into a community where some whites objected to his family because of their race, Burnett says:

“I’m going to live my life as a free man. And the opportunity was here for my children. I didn’t want my children to go to any kind of segregated school, even though the superintendent here told me I was crazy. But look what happened. Was I crazy? Look, I got three professional children out of it.”

He lists their occupations: a son is an architect, a daughter is a physician, and another daughter is a pharmacist.

In 1976, the Wheatley Heights Neighborhood Coalition filed the first Long Island-based federal court suit alleging steering by real estate companies and agents.

Wheatley Heights was 5 percent black at the time. It was bordered by predominantly black Wyandanch and predominantly white Deer Park and Dix Hills. The suit alleged that agents showed black people homes only in Wheatley Heights while never showing white buyers there. It also charged that agents never showed properties in nearby Dix Hills or Deer Park to blacks.

Two years later, a federal judge barred practices including racial steering and boycotting or retaliating against Wheatley Heights residents.

Still, demographic changes moved inexorably through Wheatley Heights, which today is served by a highly rated school district and boasts a 2017 median household income of $111,600, one of the highest in Suffolk County. The population breakdown: 49 percent black, 21 percent white, 10 percent Asian and 14 percent Hispanic.

Fifty years after the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark Brown v. Board of Education ruling struck down legally sanctioned segregated schools, the ERASE Racism advocacy group concluded in 2004 that “racial isolation is the norm for Long Island’s residential neighborhoods and racially separate and unequal is the norm for Long Island’s public schools.”

Where Hempstead abuts Garden City, the 461 black and Hispanic children of Jackson Main Elementary in Hempstead grew up for the year with just 12 white fellow students. One mile away, the 132 white children of Garden City’s Locust School encountered only five Hispanic and two black classmates.

Two schools one mile apart

Jackson Main Elementary has a dramatically smaller proportion of white students than neighboring Locust Elementary School.

White

Black

Hispanic

Asian

Other

Jackson Main Elementary School

Locust Elementary School

70% Hispanic

86% White

26% Black

Two schools one mile apart

Jackson Main Elementary has a dramatically smaller proportion of white students than neighboring Locust Elementary School.

White

Black

Hispanic

Asian

Other

Jackson Main Elementary School

70% Hispanic

26% Black

Locust Elementary School

86% White

Source: New York State Education Department, 2017-18

They live in a community that has grappled with a link between race and residence.

In 2017, after a more than decade-long legal battle waged by advocacy groups, a federal judge ruled that the Village of Garden City had “acted with discriminatory intent” by rezoning publicly owned land to prevent construction of affordable housing. Last year, the court ordered the village to pay $5.3 million in attorney fees and costs to the plaintiffs’ lawyers.

This year, Nassau County settled a separate housing discrimination case that alleged the county had steered affordable housing into minority communities. The county agreed to pay $5.4 million to promote mixed-income affordable housing.

Since then, the county has agreed to negotiate preliminary tax breaks for a proposed development of 150 apartments in Garden City on Stewart Avenue, across from the Roosevelt Field mall, 15 of which are to be affordable units.

– With Ann Choi


Schools

Long Island real estate agents sell schools as much as houses.

School district ratings are among the most zealously watched indicators of quality of life by Long Island homeowners, not least because they can influence home values.

In many of Newsday’s 86 paired tests, agents applied a laser-like focus on districts, highlighting their perceived quality when recommending places that house hunters should consider buying – or avoid.

As one real estate agent explained it: “So, more important than Syosset is schools, because everything is by schools on Long Island.”

That reliance on school ratings as a top selling point can empower Long Island real estate agents to serve as gatekeepers for 124 highly delineated districts whose test scores, graduations rates and ethnic and racial compositions vary sharply. In playing the gatekeeper role, they risk running afoul of fair housing standards because discussing school quality can become a proxy for talking about a community’s makeup.

As the National Association of Realtors stated in a 2014 post on its website, “Discussions about schools can raise questions about steering if there is a correlation between the quality of the schools and neighborhood racial composition.”

Characterizations about schools with low test scores, for example, or comments that reference a “‘community with declining schools’ become code words for racial or other differences in the community,” the post states. As a result, such comments become “fair-housing issues.”

Additionally, fair-housing experts say touting or disparaging schools can put agents in legal jeopardy because many lack the expertise to make such judgments.

“Since when did real estate agents become experts on schools?” asked Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, who served as a Newsday consultant.

“It’s ridiculous because they cannot, they should not be trusted to provide objective information about schools and school performance rates,” Freiberg said.

“I might go into an area and maybe it’s not the highest scores I’m looking for for my son. Maybe it’s the music program. There could be a lot of different reasons why I would think a school was better or worse for my son that has nothing to do with test scores, certainly nothing to do with race.”

While some agents tested by Newsday told customers that they were legally barred from talking about schools, fair-housing experts say agents may provide information so long as it is strictly factual – and provided equally to customers.

The National Association of Realtors made clear that agents have a narrow pathway that involves sticking to “objective information,” not their personal opinions.

The author suggested that agents provide prospective homebuyers with school or community websites that provide ratings and data.

“The best thing a Realtor can do is guide them to third-party information, so they can make a decision on their own,” the post recommends.

Some agents touted districts as highly rated. Some denigrated districts as undesirable places to invest in homes. Whether based on facts or simply their own beliefs, some expressed perceptions about district performances that were in line with pointing buyers toward communities with substantial white populations and away from more integrated areas.

Some agents advised testers to research schools on their own through websites that provide educational performance data. One agent went further by telling house hunters to review published data to also determine community socioeconomic conditions.

“I’m not allowed to tell you where to go, where not to go. But I could tell you where to look, you know. And then you look,” RE/MAX agent Joy Tuxson told white tester Brittany Silver.

“Everything is online for the school districts. You’re going to see who graduates. How many kids. The ethnic breakdown, how many free lunches. You can get a good idea of the socioeconomic makeup of the neighborhood when you look at the school districts.”

Test 106

I sold my nephew a house, him and his bride. I said … ‘Do you really want your future children going to Amityville school districts?’

Joy Tuxson

RE/MAX

East Meadow

Tuxson also made a disparaging comment about Wyandanch to the white tester.

When speaking with Silver’s paired tester, Payal Mehta, who is South Asian, Tuxson related advice she had given a family member who was house hunting.

“I sold my nephew a house, him and his bride … I said, ‘… you sent me houses with seven different school districts,'” Tuxson recalled, adding that she asked him, “‘Do you really want your future children going to Amityville school districts?'”

Asked for help finding $500,000 homes within 30 minutes of Bethpage, Tuxson provided comparable listings to both testers.

Tuxson did not respond to a letter, an email or a phone call from Newsday requesting comment.

Newsday fair housing consultant Fred Freiberg, executive director of the Fair Housing Justice Center, said that “both testers received listings in similar areas, but one or more statements made by the agent were discriminatory or involved possible steering away from predominantly minority communities and school districts.”

Noting that “the agent shared derogatory opinions about crime in the minority community of Wyandanch only with the white tester,” consultant Robert Schwemm, professor at the University of Kentucky College of Law, wrote, “Whether she was wrongly stereotyping or not, she provided greater information to the white tester than to the Asian.”

Schwemm added: “The agent’s comments about Wyandanch and Amityville schools suggest that these towns could sue for the agent’s steering whites and Asians away from them – but it would be advisable to do additional testing by black and/or Hispanic testers to see if this agent makes similar comments to these minorities.”

Kerry McGovern, vice president of communications for RE/MAX LLC, said in a statement: “We have spoken with the franchise owners whose agents were included in the inquiry and are confident they have taken this matter seriously and are committed to following the law and promoting levels of honesty, inclusivity and professionalism in real estate.”

In the Amityville school district, more than 90 percent of the students are black or Hispanic.

The district had a 77 percent four-year high school graduation rate in 2018, including 20 percent who earned advanced designation diplomas after passing at least eight Regents exams, according to New York State Education Department data.

Most of neighboring Massapequa is part of a 93 percent white school district, where 97 percent of the students graduate in four years, 66 percent with advanced designation diplomas. But some of East Massapequa is zoned for the Amityville school district.

The boundary was key to some agents.

Test 76

You don’t want [District] 6 in Massapequa, because that takes in Amityville, and you’re not going to like those schools.

Margaret Petrelli

Realty Connect USA agent

Levittown

Describing Massapequa as “beautiful,” Realty Connect USA agent Margaret Petrelli provided a white tester with a list of seven districts whose high school’s student populations averaged nearly 85 percent white. The agent did not provide the black tester with a list of school districts to consider.

“If you’re in Massapequa, you only want School District 23,” she counseled the white tester, using a Multiple Listings Service reference number, before continuing:

“You don’t want [District] 6 in Massapequa, because that takes in Amityville, and you’re not going to like those schools.”

Newsday’s consultants, Freiberg and Schwemm, concluded separately, based on information Newsday provided them, that Petrelli’s statements and actions raised evidence of racial steering and discriminatory treatment. (Petrelli also had asked the black tester for identification, but not the white tester).

Petrelli initially made an appointment to view the video of her interactions with testers at Newsday, but due to a scheduling conflict Newsday asked her to choose a different time. She answered that an alternate time would not work for her. She has since not responded to a follow-up email or phone call.

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Five agents drew sharp school district boundary distinctions about choosing homes that carried addresses in the central Nassau community of Westbury.

Some of those homes are in the Westbury school district, whose student body is just under three quarters Hispanic and one quarter black. The high school graduation rate last year was 79 percent, with 23 percent earning Regent’s diplomas with advanced designation, according to the state Education Department.

Other homes are in the East Meadow school district, whose makeup is 54 percent white, 21 percent Hispanic, 20 percent Asian and 4 percent black. The high school’s graduation rate was 93 percent, with 63 percent of the graduates earning Regents diplomas with advanced designation.

Salisbury is a hamlet of just under 2 square miles that carries a Westbury address but falls in the East Meadow school district. It is bounded on the north by Old Country Road, on the west by Eisenhower Park, on the south by Salisbury Park Drive and to the east by the Wantagh State Parkway.

The majority of Salisbury’s 12,000-plus population is white, at 70 percent. Asians compose 15 percent of the population, Hispanics nearly 14 percent and blacks not quite 1 percent.

Longtime residents recall intense resistance to integration.

Diane Kremin lived in Salisbury for 42 years before selling her home in January. In her early years in the community, she remembers people saying, “I won’t be the first to sell to a black but I’ll be the second,” along with stories about people threatening, “If you sell to people we don’t like we’ll burn your house down.”

Local groups pushed for a separate ZIP code for Salisbury over the jurisdictional confusion with Westbury in the ’70s and again around 1990, said Helen Meittinis, a local civic association president.

Kremin, who is white, said she participated to distinguish the area from Westbury – where today more than six of 10 residents are minority – and to protect property values.

“Westbury schools didn’t have a good reputation because they were more black than white. It’s primarily the school system. You didn’t want to be known as Westbury,” recalls Kremin, who sold her house to a Middle Eastern couple and adds, “It’s very different today because the value doesn’t decline because of diversity anymore.”

The five agents who mentioned Westbury to customers made clear that they meant Salisbury because of its location in the East Meadow school district. Only one of the agents suggested houses – a total of three – in the Westbury school district. In comparison, the agents offered 19 houses in Salisbury.

Realty Connect USA agent Petrelli, for example, told a white tester: “You have Salisbury and Westbury. You have – which, of course, I will tell you, there’s one school district that you’ll stay away from.”

Watch videos of the tests

In the opinions of two agents tested by Newsday, the predominantly minority community of Elmont was an area to avoid “school district-wise” or based on “statistics.”

In the judgments of state and federal education agencies and a noted school advocacy organization, Elmont Memorial High School — one of five high schools from demographically disparate communities that together make up the Sewanhaka Central High School District – has been worthy of accolades.

The statements by the two agents, whose conduct produced evidence of steering in the view of Newsday fair-housing consultants, offer a window into how agents can guide house hunters based on negative assumptions that run parallel to race.

A largely black and Hispanic community, Elmont hugs the Nassau County border with Queens. In 2018, the student body of its high school, Elmont Memorial, was roughly 90 percent black and Hispanic. The four-year graduation rate was 96 percent, with 47 percent of the students earning advanced Regents Diplomas, down from 53 percent the year before.

The school boasted a four-year graduation rate for economically disadvantaged students that was higher than the average across all Nassau County schools: 95 percent earning diplomas, with 40 percent earning advanced Regents Diplomas, compared with the corresponding county figures of 80 percent and 35 percent.

Elmont Memorial has been recognized as a school of excellence by the U.S. Department of Education; received a New York State Excelsior Award; was named a New York State Blue Ribbon School of Excellence; and received the “Dispelling the Myth” award from the Education Trust.

“I would challenge anyone to come in and see how well our students do in Elmont and how, in terms of their graduation rate, the colleges and universities they get accepted into, the national recognition that they have received in such areas as the arts, Model UN and science research,” said Ralph Ferrie, in an interview before he retired as superintendent of the Sewanhaka Central High School District last June.

“It’s disappointing that people would look at a community and, just based upon its demographics, come to the conclusion … that that is not a quality high school.”

Long Island’s most diverse school

A researcher who analyzed Nassau County schools over five years, culminating in a 2014 report, said race factored into where white parents send — or don’t send — their children to school.

Amy Stuart Wells, a professor of sociology and education at Teachers College, Columbia University, was lead author of the 2014 report, “Divided We Fall: The Story of Separate and Unequal,” an investigation of Nassau County’s 56 school districts.

One facet of the research analyzed the relationship between home property values and neighborhood and school district demographics.

“And what you find at that time, around 2014, was that the percentage of black students in a school district decreased property value of the same quality house with the same lot size and everything else by $50,000 ,” Wells said. “So you start to understand the process by which segregation happens again and again.”

Wells studied what was happening to homes priced at the 2010 median in Nassau County of $415,000 as the percentage of black and Hispanic population rose from 30 to 70 percent.

The way the study put it: “both models indicate that a one-percent increase in black/Hispanic enrollments is associated with a 0.3 percent decrease in home values. Put another way, almost $50,000 in price would separate two otherwise similar homes, one located in a district that is 30 percent black/Hispanic, and other located in a district with 70 percent black/Hispanic enrollments (given Nassau County’s 2010 median home price of $415,000).”

She continued that people’s perceptions of an area really matter, and often that perception is “racialized.” The study showed that a white buyer is more likely “to choose the predominantly white and/or Asian school district, without ever stepping foot in the other school district.”

After interviewing real estate agents, Wells said her research team found that some held views on school districts that were not necessarily based on performance but often were influenced by the racial makeup of the students.

She said the research team looked at two school districts that had similar housing stocks and similar socioeconomic populations – but differed racially. “The real estate agents would talk about the quality of those districts,” Wells said, adding:

“And when we actually went in and looked inside the schools, there didn’t seem to be a huge difference at all in the curriculum and the quality of the teachers. So, they [real estate agents] do play an important role in steering people away from certain districts that are becoming more racially, ethnically diverse and less white, in particular.”

– With Rachelle Blidner

Correction: The section of Massapequa that falls into Amityville schools was incorrect in a previous version of this story.


Rockville Centre

In Rockville Centre, a south shore village in Nassau County, the sports fields bustle with youth soccer and lacrosse teams and the restaurants and bars downtown attract lively crowds.

The bells ring for mass from the imposing three-level tower at the Cathedral of St. Agnes, seat of the Diocese of Rockville Centre, which ministers to Catholics in Long Island’s two counties.

It’s a place where generations of families settle, attend well-regarded schools and have a quick train ride into the city.

While attending the highly rated schools is a benefit open to all, where you live in Rockville Centre makes a difference.

For some, a Tudor-style home on a wide, leafy street is an option. The median price for a home in Rockville Centre was $615,000 in 2017, according to the 2013-17 American Community Survey done by the U.S. Census Bureau. The Multiple Listing Service of Long Island put the median price at $612,500 in June 2019.

Otherwise, you may live on the West Side.

That’s where the majority of black families reside in Rockville Centre, in public housing created by a 1960s urban renewal project that uprooted the black community there and was among the most contentious of such projects on Long Island.

Hispanic residents are concentrated in apartments, live over stores or in smaller homes.

Heading still west across Peninsula Boulevard is another section with a Rockville Centre ZIP code made up mostly of black people, although children there attend schools in the predominantly minority Malverne district.

Rockville Centre does not have the whitest complexion on Long Island – 75 percent of its residents are white, compared with 90 percent in Garden City and 86 percent in nearby Oceanside, for example, according to U.S. Census figures.

A Newsday investigation of home-selling practices on Long Island, however, found this community to be one in which white home buyers were significantly more likely to be offered a listing than were minorities.

Tonya Thomas, her husband and two daughters are a black family that has lived in a highly desirable area of Rockville Centre since 2004. They landed in the village after they looked for homes on the North Shore and Garden City but couldn’t find a suitable place within their budget.

They also experienced resistance in some of those communities, Thomas said, including people not answering the door for scheduled showing appointments or arriving to an address to find that the home supposedly had been sold just minutes before.

When told of Newsday’s findings involving Rockville Centre, she said it was not surprising given Long Island’s history with segregated neighborhoods.

“Although my husband and I did not have a negative house-buying experience in Rockville Centre, I cannot say that that was the case for many communities that we visited on Long Island,” she said. “It took us two years to find a house.”

She said Rockville Centre is a wonderful community with lots of amenities where her family has been “blessed” to have great neighbors and an excellent school district where her children have thrived.

“It can be challenging finding a community that provides all the resources and experiences that one wants for their family,” Thomas said. “We all, no matter who we are or where we come from, want the same things.”

The black-white racial history of Rockville Centre began early in the 20th century in a neighborhood on the village’s West Side.

She was forced out of her Rockville Centre home

Black families, many of them Southern migrants working as domestics or laborers, found modest housing in an explicitly segregated area north of Sunrise Highway up to Lakeview Avenue, and east of Peninsula to North Centre Avenue. Ernestine Small, now 82 and living in senior housing in Uniondale, recalled growing up in the West Side neighborhood in the 1940s and ’50s, the daughter of a bank caretaker and a domestic who came north in search of a better life. Not all the housing was run down, she said, and the neighborhood was active and cohesive.

“Our life was good,” she recalled in an interview. “I came out of a working family. My father had a beautiful garden, and all he raised my mother canned and cooked, so we had plenty.”

She joined her community’s all-black Girls Scout troop and 4-H Club, and she was active in her church, St. Paul AME, which was then on Randall Avenue, she said. “I had the love and support of my community and my church.”

For the 1960s urban renewal, the original plan devised by village trustees would have replaced housing and stores in the black neighborhood with commercial and office space and some middle-income housing – with no new housing for the displaced residents of more modest means.

Demolition started in late 1961. By 1963, the federal and state housing agencies forced the village to include moderate-cost and public housing in the plan and produce an accurate count of residents who would be eligible for it.

The first houses demolished in the renewal area belonged to black and white middle-income homeowners in the northern section, from Maine Avenue to Lakeview, west of North Centre Avenue. First down were the homes of the two leaders of the homeowners association formed to protest the inclusion of these well-kept houses in the renewal area.

What happened to the two families – one white, one black – goes to the heart of the racial reality in the village at that time.

The West Side Property Owners Association was led by black attorney Clem Ransom and white pharmacist Charles Benincasa, neighbors across Maine Avenue. When it became clear their houses would be demolished, they looked for homes elsewhere in the village.

In a Newsday article the month his house was razed, Clem Ransom said he and his family had moved out of the village to integrated Hempstead. They had failed to find an available house in Rockville Centre, didn’t want the stress of essentially “blockbusting” a white block and were disgusted by the village’s treatment in any case.

The Benincasas, on the other hand, were able to find a home a few blocks away on Lakeview Avenue.

Richard Benincasa, now of Merrick and a pharmacist like his father, said the family never considered leaving Rockville Centre.

“I would have been sorry to leave Rockville Centre but that never occurred to me,” he said, recalling he was a teen at the time, attending parochial school in the village. “My dad had a business in town and he wanted to stay. My life didn’t change at all … I don’t know what happened to the black families in the neighborhood.”

What happened to the black homeowners was dispersion and displacement. Many bought homes in Lakeview, Hempstead, Freeport and other communities where blacks were clustered.

Ruth Ransom, 94-year-old widow of Clem and now living in an apartment in Hempstead, recalled the events of 1961 clearly. These events “leave a permanent, almost indelible memory. I can see that house, and feel a sense of loss,” she said in a recent interview.

“I realize it was just a reflection of what goes on – the powerful people do what they want, they have their own agenda and protesting doesn’t move their needle very far.”

Her husband, she said, was born in Greenwood, Mississippi, and received a law degree from Fordham Law School. He had a law office in Harlem, and she worked for a time as a legal secretary.

The loss of their house had a pronounced effect on her children, a daughter who was in junior high school and a son in elementary school. Ronald Ransom, now a retired probation officer living in Virginia, recalled the big house on a large corner lot with wonder and affection.

“We were probably well off considering we had this house, a great huge house almost like a castle to a kid,” he recalled. “I felt comfortable and accepted at school and really I didn’t know that black was something to be different. I found that out when I got to Hempstead.”

Now he thinks his educational opportunities would have been greater had he remained in the well-off community of Rockville Centre, he said. He’d have had greater opportunities to join extracurricular activities, he said, noting that opposing teams appeared better prepared and better equipped than his school’s teams.

“In Hempstead, they steered kids to general education and they landed jobs in the sanitation department,” he said.

But one black man who did go to Rockville Centre schools isn’t sure Ransom would have been better off staying. Prince Shaheed Scott, 23, grew up on the West Side with his mother, Sabrina. He said he got along fine with his classmates but that was because everyone was divided along racial lines. Academically he doesn’t think black students had the same opportunities or institutional encouragement and support.

“I left the district as soon as I could,” Scott said. “It was not good for me and probably many black students.”

Today, black students make up 6 percent of the Rockville Centre schools’ population and Hispanics 13 percent, according to New York State Department of Education statistics for the 2017-18 school year. This compares with 49 percent black and 25 percent Hispanic in the neighboring Malverne district.

In 2018, 78 percent of black graduates received Regents diplomas with advanced designation in Rockville Centre, compared with 95 percent of white graduates and 69 percent of Hispanic graduates. The number for black students was a steep rise from 2017, when 47 percent received advanced Regents diplomas.

All of the 2018 rates far exceeded the state average of 33 percent, the statistics show. “The equity issue is the elephant in the room, and we as a nation have to learn to deal with it,” said school superintendent William Johnson. “It starts with public education. We are the gateway for many of these children. We work hard and diligently to make sure children who come from families who struggle share the aspirations of their classmates.”

That means hand scheduling every class to reflect the community at large, he said, and to provide all students access to the same classes with the support they need.

The impact of the urban renewal project lingered. A 1966 report by the Nassau County Commission on Human Rights found evidence of racism and noted the drop in the number of black residents as a result of the project.

The Rockville Centre school district was ordered by the state education commissioner in 1977 to produce an integration plan affecting 4,000 students in six elementary schools, based on complaints by five couples made the previous year that the Floyd B. Watson School had more than 50 percent minority enrollment. The plan was enacted in 1978.

A decade later, the village police force and village government were ordered by a court to pay out hundreds of thousands of dollars to compensate a black youth beaten in an arrest.

Scott said there is a dichotomy of being in the community but not of the community. Growing up, he said, he and his friends could meet a suspicious eye from white residents when going for a slice of pizza in the village, and there was always the chance for those who live on the West Side to be targeted by police for common youthful behavior.

“For the white kids, they never seemed to be bothered by those things,” Scott said.

He said Rockville Centre is a nice place to live but not everyone is welcoming.

He said he would not buy a home there.

Briana Britt is 30 and grew up on the West Side, a third-generation resident. She still lives there with her three daughters, ages 14, 8 and 1. She echoed what Scott said about the social climate in high school and how it reflects the greater outside community.

“The black kids hung out with the black kids and the white kids hung out with the white kids, that’s just the way it was,” she said.

She said she remains in Rockville Centre because of the quality of the education the district offers, saying it outweighs the challenges of being a black resident of a predominantly white community.

“I don’t always feel comfortable,” she said. “Sometimes I feel out of place at places like the grocery stores around here.”

She said she feels profiled going into an area home goods store and is sometimes followed by security at a local drug store.

“I don’t steal so I don’t have a problem with it,” she said. “But it’s noticeable.”

Dyondra Wilson grew up on the west side of Peninsula in Lakeview, but her ZIP code is Rockville Centre. She attended Malverne High School. Still, she said she feels like Rockville Centre is home, with options to dine out, shop, go to the movies, the train and attend church.

“There have been a few incidents, but I feel comfortable there,” said Wilson, 25. She is a 2018 SUNY Stony Brook graduate with a degree in journalism.

Wilson was set to start a new job teaching English in South Korea and thinks growing up in a community where she stood out will help her. “Being different, standing out, doesn’t bother me,” she said. “It’s just the way that it is, so you can’t worry about it.”

Tonya Thomas said it’s important everyone knows that learning about and living with people from different cultures and ethnic groups only enhances one’s life experience.

“Encouraging and embracing diversity not only better prepares our children for the world they’ll be leading and living in in the future, but it also makes a community stronger.”