TODAY'S PAPER
28° Good Evening
28° Good Evening

Together Long Island Guidelines:

In response to the coronavirus pandemic, Newsday LLC (“Newsday”) is launching Together Long Island (“TLI”), a platform for Long Islanders who need help during this time to connect with those who are willing and able to help. We encourage conversation as we aim to create a supportive online community where Long Islanders can find encouragement and resources.

By accessing, using, and/or communicating through TLI, you agree to be bound by these Together Long Island Guidelines (“Guidelines”), as well as Newsday’s Terms of Service and Privacy Policy. The TLI platform is “Content” and all TLI participants’ posts and messages are “User Content” as those terms are defined in the Terms of Service.

Guidelines

Let’s work as a team. Online conversations thrive when there is mutual respect and cooperation.

In addition to the posting rules set forth in the User Content and Submissions section of the Terms of Service, you agree not to make any posts or send any messages that include:

  • Off-topic content
  • Links or HTML
  • Advice on topics that require professional expertise (for example, making medical suggestions or giving legal advice)
  • Otherwise objectionable comments or content

TLI participants meeting others in person must:

  • Comply with all government mandates and instructions from law enforcement
  • Keep at least six feet between them and others
  • Wash their hands often, including before and after participating. Use soap and water and scrub for at least 20 seconds. Use an alcohol-based hand sanitizer if soap and water are not available.
  • Cover their mouth and nose with a tissue or their sleeve when sneezing or coughing. Do not use your hands.
  • Monitor their health more closely than usual for cold or flu symptoms

TLI participants meeting others in person must not:

  • Shake hands or otherwise come in close contact with others
  • Gather for any non-essential purpose
  • Leave their homes if sick except to receive medical care
  • Touch their eyes, nose, or mouth with unwashed hands
  • Take public transportation unless urgent and absolutely necessary
  • Engage in harassing, uncomfortable, or otherwise inappropriate behavior

Newsday reserves the right at any time to delete any posts and suspend or ban any participants who do not abide by these Guidelines.

By participating in TLI, you assume all associated risk, known and unknown. To the fullest extent permitted by applicable law, you release and hold Newsday harmless from all claims, liabilities, injuries, and accidents resulting from or in any way connected with your participation in TLI or any related communications, interactions, or meetings (whether in person, online, or otherwise).

If you have any questions or feedback, or would like to report a violation of these Guidelines, please email TogetherLI@newsday.com.

The Politics of Corruption on Long Island

Criminal cases against 10 politicians and public officials

Over the past few years, prosecutors have charged Long Island politicians and public officials with crimes ranging from tax evasion to bribery. Some of these cases resulted in convictions, while others are ongoing. Follow Newsday’s latest coverage on the most prominent cases here.

(Last updated: Sept. 18, 2020)

The County Executive

Edward Mangano

Convicted of: Conspiracy to commit federal program bribery; federal program bribery; conspiracy to commit honest services wire fraud; honest services wire fraud; conspiracy to obstruct justice

Edward Mangano, Nassau’s county executive, was indicted in October 2016 and accused by federal prosecutors of receiving “bribes and kickbacks” from businessman Harendra Singh, who has pleaded guilty to providing them. Mangano’s wife, Linda, was charged with obstruction of justice, conspiracy to obstruct justice and making false statements involving “work she claimed to have performed” in an alleged no-show job from Singh, according to the indictment and prosecutors. Both Manganos pleaded not guilty. A judge declared a mistrial in May 2018 in both their cases. Their retrials began in January. Federal prosecutors filed a new indictment against the Manganos in August 2018, adding details of statements to investigators by Linda that prosecutors allege are lies. The Manganos pleaded not guilty to the indictment at an arraignment. On March 8, Edward Mangano was convicted of several charges, including federal program bribery and honest services wire fraud. Both he and Linda Mangano were also convicted of conspiracy to obstruct justice. He was acquitted of another honest services wire fraud charge and an extortion charge. Linda was found guilty of obstruction of justice, conspiracy to obstruct justice and two counts of making false statements. She was acquitted of another count of making false statements.

More Stories

The District Attorney

Thomas Spota

Convicted of: Conspiracy, obstruction of justice, witness tampering and acting as accessories to the deprivation of the civil rights of Christopher Loeb, a suspect in the break-in of Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s department SUV.

Thomas Spota, the Suffolk County district attorney, was indicted in October 2017 on federal charges that he was involved in a cover-up of ex-Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s 2012 assault of a suspect. U.S. attorneys said Spota, along with longtime aide Christopher McPartland, intimidated and pressured witnesses not to cooperate with federal investigators in order to protect Burke. Spota pleaded not guilty to the charges. A day after his plea, he announced he would leave the office he has held since 2002. His last day in office was Nov. 10, 2017. Spota and McPartland’s trial began on Nov. 12, 2019. Spota and McPartland were convicted on all counts on Dec. 17, 2019. On Aug. 10, 2021, Spota was sentenced to five years in prison. McPartland was also sentenced to five years.

The Town Supervisor

John Venditto

Convicted of: Felony corrupt use of position or authority, misdemeanor official misconduct

John Venditto, Oyster Bay supervisor, was indicted on federal corruption charges in October 2016, and charges involving allegations of security fraud were added in November 2017. Venditto pleaded not guilty and resigned in January 2017. His trial started on March 12, 2018. He was acquitted of all federal charges on May 24, 2019. In June 2017, the Nassau DA indicted Venditto, who prosecutors said was involved in a real-estate deal and orchestrating a hiring. Venditto pleaded not guilty. On July 26, 2019, he pleaded guilty to state corruption charges in a deal that spared him any jail time. Venditto died from cancer on March 17, 2020, his family said.

The Councilman

Edward Ambrosino

Charges: Wire fraud; tax evasion; making and subscribing false corporate tax returns; failure to file return

Edward Ambrosino, a Hempstead Town Board councilman, was indicted in April 2017 and accused of failing to pay more than $250,000 in federal taxes on income, much of which federal prosecutors said came from jobs performed for Nassau County. Prosecutors said Ambrosino, a lawyer, siphoned off money for two years to a company he incorporated and underreported his earnings. In the week following Ambrosino’s arrest, the county Industrial Development Agency and Local Economic Assistance Corp. dropped him as one of their attorneys. He initially pleaded not guilty, but in April 2019 he pleaded guilty to a single count of tax evasion on his personal federal income tax as part of a plea deal. He also submitted his resignation from his post as councilman, effective April 5. He was sentenced to six months in federal prison on Nov. 15. He began serving his sentence Sept. 15, 2020.

The Police Chief

James Burke

Convicted of: Deprivation of civil rights; conspiracy to commit obstruction of justice

James Burke, the Suffolk County Police Department’s former top uniformed officer, was indicted in December 2015 and charged by federal prosecutors with orchestrating an elaborate scheme to conceal his own crime. Burke, who was named Suffolk police chief in 2012, beat a handcuffed prisoner who had been charged with stealing a duffel bag from Burke’s police-issued vehicle, officials said. Burke pleaded guilty in February 2016 to conspiracy to commit obstruction of justice and violating the victim’s civil rights and was sentenced in November 2016 to 46 months in prison. Burke was released from prison to a halfway house in November 2018.

The State Senator

Dean Skelos

Charges: Conspiracy to commit extortion under color of official right; conspiracy to commit honest services fraud; extortion under color of official right; solicitation of bribes and gratuities

Dean Skelos, former Republican State Senate majority leader, was first convicted in December 2015 of using his power to help his son, Adam, get jobs and payments from businesses. Federal prosecutors said the senator pressured three companies to give jobs, fees and benefits worth $300,000 to Adam, doing favors in Albany for the companies in return. He also intervened with Nassau County to help one of them on a contract, prosecutors said. His son was indicted on the same charges. In May 2016, Skelos was sentenced to 5 years, and his son was sentenced to 6½. In September 2017, an appeals court overturned the convictions. They were retried in the summer of 2018, and a federal jury convicted them on eight counts of conspiracy, extortion and bribery. In October 2018, a judge sentenced Dean Skelos to four years, three months in prison, while Adam was sentenced to four years. Dean Skelos reported to prison on Jan. 8, 2019, rather than seeking bail pending his appeal. He was released to home confinement on April 28 after testing positive for the coronavirus.

More Stories

The Conservative party leader

Edward Walsh

Convicted of: Converts to own use property of another; fraud by wire, radio or television

Edward Walsh, then a lieutenant in the county sheriff’s office, golfed, gambled and politicked on the county’s dime, federal prosecutors said, while at the helm of Suffolk County’s Conservative Party. Walsh pleaded not guilty in March 2015 but was convicted in March 2016 for illegally collecting more than $200,000 in pay and overtime pay he didn’t earn. His conviction sparked a battle over leadership within the party he once led. In June 2017, Walsh was sentenced to 2 years in prison and was ordered to make $245,811.21 in restitution and forfeit an additional $245,811.21.

More Stories

The Town Commissioner

Frederick Ippolito

Federal charges: Attempt to evade or defeat tax

State charges: Money laundering; defrauding the government; official misconduct; bribe receiving; receiving reward for official misconduct; theft of services.

Frederick Ippolito, an Oyster Bay town official, pleaded guilty in January 2016 to a federal tax evasion charge in connection with $2 million in outside consulting fees he received while working as the town’s planning and development commissioner. He resigned two days after his plea. He was sentenced in September 2016 to 27 months in prison and ordered to pay $550,000 in restitution. Ippolito died in prison in June 2017. On Dec. 12, 2017, a federal appellate court vacated the conviction because he died while appealing his conviction. In June 2017, Ippolito was charged by Nassau County prosecutors; a judge ended that case in September 2017.

More Stories

The Town Democratic leader

Gerard Terry

Convicted of: Felony tax fraud (state), tax evasion (federal)

Charges: Tax fraud (state); tax evasion (federal)

Gerard Terry, the former North Hempstead Democratic Party leader, was charged in April and August 2016 with tax fraud after Nassau prosecutors said he compiled more than $1.4 million in tax debts while receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in government work. He also was charged federally in February 2017 and pleaded not guilty. He resigned or was terminated from multiple public positions. In September 2017, Terry pleaded guilty in Nassau County to fourth-degree felony tax fraud. Terry pleaded guilty in October 2017 in federal court to tax evasion. He was sentenced on May 29, 2018, to serve three years in prison on the federal charges. On June 4, 2018, he was sentenced to 6 months in the state case. Terry was released from prison to home confinement on April 29 as part of efforts to decrease the population of the federal prison system to try to stop the spread of the coronavirus, sources said.

More Stories

The District Attorney’s Aide

Christopher McPartland

Convicted of: Conspiracy, obstruction of justice, witness tampering and acting as accessories to the deprivation of the civil rights of Christopher Loeb, a suspect in the break-in of Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s department SUV

Christopher McPartland, one of Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota’s chief aides, who ran the office’s political corruption unit, was indicted along with Spota in October 2017 on federal charges related to allegations the two were involved in a cover-up of ex-Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s assault of a suspect. McPartland pleaded not guilty to the charges. McPartland was fired by incoming District Attorney Timothy Sini and left the DA’s office as of Dec. 31, 2017, according to spokesman Justin Meyers. Spota and McPartland’s trial began on Nov. 12, 2019. Spota and McPartland were convicted on all counts on Dec. 17, 2019. On Aug. 10, 2021, McPartland was sentenced to five years in prison. Spota was also sentenced to five years.

Producer: Heather Doyle

Designer: James Stewart

Photo credits: James Carbone, Charles Eckert, Ed Betz and Howard Schnapp

The Politics of Corruption: John Venditto

Ex-Oyster Bay Town Supervisor John Venditto

John Venditto

Convicted of: Felony corrupt use of position or authority, misdemeanor official misconduct

John Venditto, Oyster Bay supervisor, was indicted on federal corruption charges in October 2016, and charges involving allegations of security fraud were added in November 2017. Venditto pleaded not guilty and resigned in January 2017. His trial started on March 12, 2018. He was acquitted of all federal charges on May 24, 2019. In June 2017, the Nassau DA indicted Venditto, who prosecutors said was involved in a real-estate deal and orchestrating a hiring. Venditto pleaded not guilty. On July 26, 2019, he pleaded guilty to state corruption charges in a deal that spared him any jail time. Venditto died from cancer on March 17, 2020, his family said.

The latest on the Venditto case

March 17, 2020: John Venditto, former Oyster Bay Supervisor, has died at 70 Sept. 11, 2019: Testimony: Ex-fiancee of commissioner wore wire Aug. 10, 2019: Editorial: Patronage breeds corruption July 30, 2019: Saladino won’t say if Oyster Bay will sue Venditto July 27, 2019: Brown: The fall of John Venditto July 26, 2019: John Venditto pleads guilty to corruption charges July 25, 2019: Sources: Venditto to plead guilty to corruption charges Feb. 6, 2019: Singh during Mangano trial: Town of Oyster Bay never said no to me Sept. 28, 2018: Judge refuses to toss Venditto corruption charges June 27, 2018: Oyster Bay town board won’t pay Venditto’s legal fees in civil case June 23, 2018: John Venditto wants Oyster Bay to pay upcoming legal bills June 12, 2018: Venditto asks judge to dismiss state corruption charges against him May 24, 2018: Editorial: Respect for the solemn duty of a jury of one’s peers May 24, 2018: Venditto not guilty on all charges; jury still deliberating on Manganos May 23, 2018: Power on trial: A video show, and a lawyer returns May 23, 2018: Jurors in corruption trial ask to see footage of Mangano’s front door May 23, 2018: Power on trial: Who’s who in the Mangano-Venditto trial May 22, 2018: Jurors in Mangano-Venditto trial say they need ‘further instruction’ May 22, 2018: Power on Trial: When jurors disagree May 21, 2018: Power on Trial: Jury begins second day of deliberations May 21, 2018: Jurors in Mangano-Venditto case say they can’t ‘agree on certain items’ May 21, 2018: Jurors in political corruption case deliberate for second day May 19, 2018: Power on trial: The waiting game May 18, 2018: Jurors reach no verdict on 1st day of Mangano-Venditto deliberations May 17, 2018: At last — the jury deliberates in the Mangano-Venditto case May 17, 2018: Jurors in Mangano-Venditto corruption case to begin deliberations May 17, 2018: Power on trial: All eyes on the jury May 16, 2018: Power on Trial: Defense lawyers go after Singh May 16, 2018: Defense attorneys attack Singh’s credibility at corruption trial May 15, 2018: Power on Trial: Closing arguments May 15, 2018: Feds: Mangano and Venditto ‘traded their office’ for money May 14, 2018: Power on Trial: ‘Time flies’ May 14, 2018: Judge refuses to dismiss Mangano-Venditto indictments May 13, 2018: Feds could wrap case Monday in Mangano trial May 11, 2018: Power on Trial: Financial footprints May 11, 2018: Judge rejects Venditto’s mistrial request, papers show May 10, 2018: Power on Trial: Two witnesses, two similar stories May 10, 2018: Contractor: I gave Mangano cash to help with problems May 9, 2018: Power on Trial: Analyst finds trouble in Oyster Bay May 9, 2018: Analyst: Town withheld info on Singh’s loans May 8, 2018: Power on Trial: How much evidence is enough? May 8, 2018: Financial advisers say they didn’t know about Singh loans May 7, 2018: Power on Trial: Some unexpected news May 7, 2018: Auditor: Town masked $22 million deficit May 5, 2018: Corruption trial: The tale of 329 Broadway May 3, 2018: Power on Trial: The signs of lying May 3, 2018: FBI agent: Linda Mangano cried when subpoenaed May 2, 2018: Power on Trial: Of bribes and town salaries May 2, 2018: Genova testified he initially lied to prosecutors May 1, 2018: Power on Trial: ‘Keys to the county’ May 1, 2018: Witness: Singh’s problems were at the top of the pile April 30, 2018: Power on Trial: Genova describes how things work April 30, 2018: Venditto approved all of Singh’s contracts, Genova says April 28, 2018: Nassau corruption trial: What’s the standard for guilt? April 26, 2018: Power on Trial: Witnesses discuss Linda Mangano April 26, 2018: Company was ready to provide Sandy meals, owner testifies April 25, 2018: Power on Trial: Brief blackout, a light moment April 25, 2018: Singh manager: Never saw Linda Mangano at eatery April 24, 2018: Power on Trial: Oyster Bay backed Singh, witness says April 24, 2018: Witness: Mangano was behind no-bid Sandy contract April 23, 2018: Power on Trial: Coliseum financing discussed April 23, 2018: Former Nassau employees to testify in Mangano-Venditto trial April 21, 2018: Nassau corruption trial: Finding an end-around on loan guarantees April 20, 2018: Power on Trial: Sinnreich faces off with Mangano’s defense attorney April 20, 2018: Outside counsel testifies he cautioned Oyster Bay on ‘bogus’ proposal April 20, 2018: Outside counsel testifies he cautioned Oyster Bay on ‘bogus’ proposal April 19, 2018: Witness testifies Mangano told others on Singh deal ‘Let’s get this thing done’ April 18, 2018: Power on Trial: Mangano urged Singh deal to be done, witness says April 17, 2018: Venditto, Genova viewed FBI probe as ‘rite of passage,’ Mei testifies April 17, 2018: Power on Trial: Mei says he feared for his job, pension April 17, 2018: Marshall: Tracing that ‘Oyster Bay way’ April 16, 2018: Frederick Mei testifies about ‘the Oyster Bay way’ April 16, 2018: Power on Trial: How the system works, according to Mei April 14, 2018: Nassau corruption trial: Wrangling over town loan guarantees April 14, 2018: Power on Trial: Seeking a solution for Singh’s financing April 11, 2018: Power on Trial: Lawyer has no ‘independent recollection’ April 11, 2018: VIPs ate for free at Singh’s venues, Mangano witness trial says April 10, 2018: Witness: Town ‘would be on the hook’ if Singh defaulted April 9, 2018: Power on Trial: New witnesses for the prosecution testify April , 2018: April 9, 2018: Montesano testifies he was pressured to hire Linda Mangano April 7, 2018: Nassau corruption trial: Parsing the meaning of truth and love April 7, 2018: April 5, 2018: Power on Trial: Mr. Singh, ‘you’re excused’ April 5, 2018: Harendra Singh ends testimony in Mangano’s trial April 4, 2018: Power on Trial: Just answer yes or no, Mr. Singh April 4, 2018: Singh: Oyster Bay ‘was willing to do whatever I wanted’ April 3, 2018: Power on Trial: Linda Mangano did some work April 3, 2018: Singh: I was unaware of Linda Mangano’s workload April 2, 2018: Power on Trial: Carman begins quizzing Singh April 2, 2018: Singh testifies he was ‘in denial’ at Mangano’s trial March 31, 2018: Power on Trial: Scenes from the Mangano trial March 31, 2018: Mangano defense attacks Singh March 29, 2018: Power on Trial: Mei wears a wire to talk to Singh March 29, 2018: Singh FBI wire: Ed Mangano did ‘nothing, nothing’ for me March 28, 2018: Singh: Edward Mangano paid for some of his own meals March 28, 2018: Power on Trial: Singh’s 7th day on the witness stand March 28, 2018: Ciolli: Did Mondello get discount on daughter’s wedding? March 27, 2018: Power on Trial: Scenes from an Italian restaurant March 27, 2018: Linda Mangano asked Singh not to bring gifts to parties, texts show March 26, 2018: Power on Trial: The defense attacks Singh’s credibility March 26, 2018: Singh details perks at Mangano’s corruption trial March 24, 2018: Power on Trial: A glimpse into a political rite of passage March 24, 2018: Singh, in his testimony, describes lavishing gifts on officials March 26, 2018: Harendra Singh to be cross-examined this week at Mangano trial March 24, 2018: Power on Trial: A glimpse into a political rite of passage March 24, 2018: Singh, in his testimony, describes lavishing gifts on officials March 22, 2018: Power on Trial: Singh, in testimony, drops a lot of names March 22, 2018: Singh testifies he gave Venditto, family countless free luxury rides March 22, 2018: Power on Trial: Singh, in testimony, drops a lot of names March 20, 2018: Singh: Mangano, VIPs got ‘special food’ for superstorm Sandy March 20, 2018: Power on Trial: Singh tells how he got a bread contract March 19, 2018: Power on Trial: Singh talks patronage, building an empire March 19, 2018: Singh testifies he hired Linda Mangano but expected no work from her March 19, 2018: Harendra Singh resumes testimony Monday in Edward Mangano trial March 17, 2018: Singh learned how to make friends in Nassau politics March 17, 2018: Power on Trial: The world according to Singh March 16, 2018: Mangano, Venditto “circumvented” permit process, prosecutors allege March 16, 2018: Editorial: Don’t confuse political corruption with friendship March 15, 2018: Power on Trial: Harendra Singh takes the witness stand March 15, 2018: In Mangano, Singh said he saw a ‘connection’ to help his business March 14, 2018: Singh laundered money for Mangano, prosecutors allege March 14, 2018: Feds say Mangano ‘sold himself’; defense attacks Singh’s credibility March 14, 2018: Power on Trial: Low-show jobs and witness credibility March 13, 2018: Singh to play major role in trial of Manganos, Venditto March 12, 2018: Jury seated for Mangano-Venditto corruption trial March 12, 2018: Mangano-Venditto corruption trial begins today March 8, 2018: Mangano-Venditto corruption trial begins today March 5, 2018: Brown: Oyster Bay on the sidelines March 5, 2018: Papers: Mangano, Venditto trial witness gets immunity to testify March 3, 2018: Editorial: Break up Long Island’s political game March 2, 2018: Ex-Oyster Bay Town attorney settles securities fraud case Feb. 28, 2018: Judge bars decisions on de Blasio probe from corruption case Feb. 26, 2018: Brown: Corruption fight needs more than a gift ban Feb. 26, 2018: Laura Curran orders no-gift policy for employees involved in contracting Feb. 24, 2018: Court filing alleges Singh dealings with NYC mayor Feb. 22, 2018: Editorial: Details still to come in latest Nassau County corruption case Feb. 19, 2018: Records: Figure in Mangano-Venditto case wore wire Feb. 16, 2018: Oyster Bay opposes release of documents in Mangano case Feb. 10, 2018: Harendra Singh repeatedly sought City Hall’s help, documents show Feb. 9, 2018: Judge in Mangano, Venditto corruption case rejects all defense motions Feb. 7, 2018: Mangano, Venditto schemed at meeting to guarantee loans, feds allege Feb. 8, 2018: Opinion: Stop the decline of the Nassau GOP Feb. 7, 2018: Judge sets jury selection date for Mangano-Venditto corruption trial Feb. 3, 2018: Brown: In Nassau corruption cases, the witness list begins to take shape Jan. 27, 2018: Democrat-connected law firm involved in Oyster Bay deals Jan. 24, 2018: Filler: Secret plea’s odd surprise about Mangano, Venditto Jan. 24, 2018: Harendra Singh admits bribing Mangano, Venditto Jan. 24, 2018: Singh bribery case also involves unnamed NYC official Jan. 24, 2018: Timeline of Harendra Singh’s ties to Mangano, Venditto Jan. 24, 2018: Singh admits bribing Mangano, Venditto, NYC official Jan. 17, 2018: Feds turn over documents, materials in Mangano-Venditto case Jan. 14, 2018: Lawyers for Manganos and Venditto file flurry of pretrial motions Jan. 13, 2018: In FBI notes, a glimpse of friendship at heart of Mangano case Dec. 16, 2017: Legal papers show Oyster Bay strategy for Singh loan guarantees Dec. 5, 2017: Judge delays Edward Mangano, John Venditto trial for two months Nov. 30, 2017: John Venditto seeks delay in trial on kickback allegations Nov. 28, 2017: Oyster Bay Town seeks buyer for property in alleged bribery scheme Nov. 22, 2017: Brown: Unusual resolution at center of new charges against John Venditto Nov. 21, 2017: John Venditto indicted on charges involving securities fraud Nov. 21, 2017: John Venditto, ex-Oyster Bay town supervisor, charged by SEC Nov. 15, 2017: Scheme to help restaurateur began when Mangano took office, court filing says Nov. 15, 2017: Oyster Bay legal bills related to Singh cases top $3.3M Oct. 21, 2017: Brown: Nepotism in Nassau are the family ties that bind Oct. 17, 2017: Keep a spotlight on nepotism in Long Island government Oct. 14, 2017: Over 100 Nassau politicians also have family in government Sept. 27, 2017: Judge abates corruption charges against the late Fred Ippolito Sept. 27, 2017: Brown: Will Skelos’ overturned conviction affect Mangano, Venditto? Sept. 5, 2017: Venditto court papers seek dismissal of corruption charges Sept. 2, 2017: Oyster Bay ex-commissioner still influenced town, affidavit says Aug. 25, 2017: Mangano files motion seeking to dismiss federal corruption charges Aug. 3, 2017: Oyster Bay Dems: 11.5% tax levy increase pays for ‘corruption’ July 26, 2017: Nassau DA fires investigator for alleged corruption probe interference, sources say July 22, 2017: Brown: Nassau has reform fever in election year July 15, 2017: Brown: Oyster Bay proposes reform after reform June 29, 2017: Oyster Bay corruption indictments add to federal tax case June 29, 2017: Ex-Oyster Bay supervisor, others surrender at DA’s office June 28, 2017: Sources: Oyster Bay officials to be arraigned June 28, 2017: Filler: How Saladino can shed party’s legacy June 27, 2017: Sources: Several indicted in Oyster Bay corruption probe June 19, 2017: Town agrees to work with probe in order to borrow $50M June 19, 2017: Town agrees to work with probe in order to borrow $50M June 1, 2017: Judge rules in Harendra Singh $6 million loan guarantee suit May 27, 2017: Brown: Saladino promises transparency but doesn’t answer question May 8, 2017: Stampede of elected officials running toward reform April 6, 2017: Oyster Bay Town OKs $1M in concession rental contracts April 1, 2017: Brown: Investigations of LI public officials underway March 12, 2017: Oyster Bay supervisor wants to review town board liaison system March 11, 2017: Marc Herman likely Dem choice to run for Oyster Bay supervisor, chairman says March 7, 2017: Dems likely to pick attorney Laura Gillen as Hempstead supervisor candidate March 6, 2017: Brown: The horse often escapes the ethics barn on LI Feb. 28, 2017: New five-member ethics board named in Oyster Bay Feb. 22, 2017: Nassau DA wiretapped 3 former Oyster Bay officials, sources say Feb. 12, 2017: Indicted concessionaire owes Oyster Bay nearly $300,000 Feb. 10, 2017: Nassau grand jury probing Oyster Bay corruption, sources say Feb. 8, 2017: Venditto, Mangano corruption trial date set for 2018 Feb. 7, 2017: Oyster Bay changes borrowing procedures to comply with laws Jan. 31, 2017: Assemb. Joseph Saladino replaces John Venditto as Oyster Bay town supervisor Jan. 17, 2017: John Venditto campaign got $20,000 in contributions after arrest, records show Jan. 16, 2017: Letter: Keep supervisor’s name off town signs Jan. 14, 2017: Federal bribery trial for Harendra Singh indefinitely delayed Jan. 4, 2017: John Venditto: Another powerful supervisor in disgrace Jan. 4, 2017: Indicted Oyster Bay Town Supervisor John Venditto to resign Nov. 29, 2016: Oyster Bay supervisor John Venditto presides over meeting, with no news of future Nov. 15, 2016: Oyster Bay’s Venditto will decide in days whether to step down Nov. 13, 2016: Joseph Mondello talks about Nassau corruption cases Nov. 12, 2016: Nassau County sought OK of contract for Harendra Singh’s wife Nov. 12, 2016: Venditto scandal impacts State Senate race Oct. 20, 2016: Edward Mangano and John Venditto should resign Oct. 24, 2016: Lawyer: Federal charges vs. Venditto will not impact town lawsuits Oct. 23, 2016: Oyster Bay has no deputy supervisor in place if need arises Oct. 20, 2016: GOP candidates urge Mangano, Venditto to immediately resign Oct. 20, 2016: Mangano, Venditto arrested on corruption charges, Feds say Sept. 28, 2016: Federal judge reveals what Oyster Bay officials haven’t Sept. 1, 2016: Venditto says Oyster Bay to turn over documents sought by feds
Other LI officials charged with abuse of power

Helping Neighbors on Long Island

Thank you for confirming your email address!

Our staff will review your post soon.

Thank you for confirming your email address!

Your message is on its way.

Deleted

Your post will be removed momentarily.

As we navigate these uncertain times and the challenges that come along with the coronavirus pandemic, we’re launching Together Long Island; an online community connecting Long Islanders who can help with Long Islanders who need help.

The upheaval to our daily lives will mean some of our neighbors will need a helping hand, and others will be ready to step up and help out.

If you want to help someone, or you need help yourself, click one of the buttons below.

In 250 characters or less, explain what you are looking for OR what you can provide for your fellow Long Islander. Once approved your message will be added to our online community board.

(If you are experiencing a medical emergency, please call 911.)

We’re encouraging these acts of kindness as a small reminder of our connection to each other — even as we stay away from public spaces, work from home, or deal with illness, in the days and weeks to come.

250 characters remaining

Please limit your post to 250 characters.

By posting to this message board, you agree to our Privacy policy.

Your submission was received.

Please check your email for instructions on completing your post.

Together Long Island terms

You must read all of the terms before clicking ‘Accept.’

By clicking the “Accept” button below:

(a) you acknowledge and agree that your submission becomes the property of Newsday and will be moderated; your name, town, and submission text may be published in Newsday, Newsday.com, and Newsday-related apps and social media platforms; and your name, email address, and message text may be shared with message recipients;

(b) you agree that you are voluntarily participating in Together Long Island (“TLI”) and assume all risk, known or unknown, arising out of any use of TLI and its functions. Newsday does not warrant that TLI will meet your needs or that its operation will be uninterrupted or error-free. To the fullest extent permitted by applicable law, you release and hold Newsday harmless from all claims, liabilities, injuries, and damages in any form arising from or associated in any way with your use of TLI or any related communications, interactions or meetings (in person, online or otherwise);

(c) you represent that you are 18+ years of age and have read and agree to the Together Long Island Guidelines and Newsday’s Terms of Service and Privacy Policy; and

(d) you provide your express consent authorizing Newsday LLC to send you text messages, delivered via automated technology, to the phone number(s) you have provided above. You understand that your consent is not required to participate in TLI. To submit a post without providing consent, please email TogetherLI@newsday.com.

Together Long Island terms

You must read all of the terms before clicking ‘Accept.’

By clicking the “Accept” button below:

(a) you acknowledge and agree that your name, email address, and message text may be shared with the intended recipient;

(b) you agree that you are voluntarily participating in Together Long Island (“TLI”) and assume all risk, known or unknown, arising out of any use of TLI and its functions. Newsday does not warrant that TLI will meet your needs or that its operation will be uninterrupted or error-free. To the fullest extent permitted by applicable law, you release and hold Newsday harmless from all claims, liabilities, injuries, and damages in any form arising from or associated in any way with your use of TLI or any related communications, interactions or meetings (in person, online or otherwise); and

(c) you represent that you are 18+ years of age and have read and agree to the Together Long Island Guidelines and Newsday’s Terms of Service and Privacy Policy.

The Politics of Corruption: James Burke

Ex-Suffolk County Police Chief James Burke

James Burke

Convicted of: Deprivation of civil rights; conspiracy to commit obstruction of justice

James Burke, the Suffolk County Police Department’s former top uniformed officer, was indicted in December 2015 and charged by federal prosecutors with orchestrating an elaborate scheme to conceal his own crime. Burke, who was named Suffolk police chief in 2012, beat a handcuffed prisoner who had been charged with stealing a duffel bag from Burke’s police-issued vehicle, officials said. Burke pleaded guilty in February 2016 to conspiracy to commit obstruction of justice and violating the victim’s civil rights and was sentenced in November 2016 to 46 months in prison. Burke was released from prison to a halfway house in November 2018.

The latest on the Burke case

March 9, 2020: Suffolk sues Spota, McPartland and Burke for back pay and benefits July 17, 2019: Discord over law firm to recoup funds from Burke April 10, 2019: Records: Burke finishing prison sentence Thursday March 21, 2019: Unsealed court letter reveals details of investigation into Spota March 11, 2019: Bellone signs bill to recoup Burke pay; targets Spota March 8, 2019: Court rejects bid by James Burke to vacate 2016 corruption conviction March 5, 2019: Suffolk lawmakers vote to sue to recoup Burke salary Feb. 13, 2019: Vote delayed on bill to recoup Burke salary Feb. 7, 2019: Panel passes bill to take back Burke salary and benefits Dec. 13, 2018: Proposal to sue Burke for $1.5M settlement tabled Nov. 26, 2018: Ex-police chief James Burke released from prison, sent to halfway house March 3, 2018: Editorial: Break up the game among Long Island political insiders Feb. 1, 2018: Suffolk agrees to settle Christopher Loeb’s lawsuit, officials say Jan. 26, 2018: Spota, former aide make brief court appearance in cover-up case> Dec. 23, 2017: Arc of Thomas Spota’s career marked by close relationship with police Nov. 27, 2017: Brown: Third time a charm for Suffolk top cop search? Nov. 8, 2017: Original charges against James Burke’s accuser dropped Oct. 28, 2017: Brown: Thomas Spota couldn’t continue as Suffolk DA Oct. 26, 2017: Burke, at heart of Spota case, receives $145G pension Oct. 26, 2017: DA Thomas Spota ‘leaving my post’ after federal indictment Oct. 26, 2017: Spota’s decades-long relationship with Burke leads to indictment Oct. 25, 2017: Suffolk DA Thomas Spota, top aide indicted in cover-up Oct. 25, 2017: Editorial: District Attorney Thomas Spota’s contempt for the law Aug. 4, 2017: Burke accuser charged with violating order of protection May 9, 2017: Sources: Drugs found in ex-Suffolk police chief Burke’s prison cell April 26, 2017: Attorneys: Christopher Loeb indictment should be thrown out April 1, 2017: Brown: Several investigations of Long Island public officials underway Jan. 31, 2017: Christopher Loeb goes free as guilty plea is set aside Dec. 21, 2016: ‘Numerous’ cops pleaded guilty in James Burke cover-up, court papers say Nov. 16, 2016: James Burke, ex-Suffolk police chief, appealing prison sentence Nov. 2, 2016: Ex-Suffolk police chief James Burke gets 46 months in prison Oct. 31, 2016: Prosecutors recommend 51-month jail sentence for James Burke Oct. 28, 2016: James Burke asks for no prison so he can care for ill mom Sept. 9, 2016: Former Suffolk police chief James Burke sentencing date set May 3, 2016: Steve Bellone was warned James Burke’s past would lead to scandal Feb. 2, 2016: James Burke, ex-Suffolk police chief, offered plea deal of about 5 years, sources say Dec. 9, 2015: James Burke’s arrest generates disappointment, concern in Suffolk Dec. 10, 2016: Janison: Suffolk’s official puzzles are piling up Dec. 10, 2015: James Burke, ex-Suffolk police chief, charged in assault, cover-up Dec. 8, 2015: James Burke, former Suffolk police chief of department, indicted, sources say Oct. 27, 2015: Suffolk Police Chief James Burke resigns as federal probe reopens Nov. 7, 2013: Man at center of case with top Suffolk cop Burke says chief, other cops beat him Oct. 24, 2013: Testimony: Burke left crime scene with duffel bag July 13, 2013: Culture of cover-up: How deep is it? June 27, 2013: Editorial: Suffolk chief crossed line of good judgment June 25, 2013: Sources: FBI probing Suffolk Chief of Police James Burke June 14, 2013: Police: Chief went to theft suspect’s home June 14: 2013: Man accused of stealing police gun belt, ammo in St. James
Other LI officials charged with abuse of power

The Politics of Corruption: Thomas Spota

Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota

Thomas Spota

Convicted of:Conspiracy, obstruction of justice, witness tampering and acting as accessories to the deprivation of the civil rights of Christopher Loeb, a suspect in the break-in of Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s department SUV.

Thomas Spota, the Suffolk County district attorney, was indicted in October 2017 on federal charges that he was involved in a cover-up of ex-Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s 2012 assault of a suspect. U.S. attorneys said Spota, along with longtime aide Christopher McPartland, intimidated and pressured witnesses not to cooperate with federal investigators in order to protect Burke. Spota pleaded not guilty to the charges. A day after his plea, he announced he would leave the office he has held since 2002. His last day in office was Nov. 10, 2017. Spota and McPartland’s trial began on Nov. 12, 2019. Spota and McPartland were convicted on all counts on Dec. 17, 2019. On Aug. 10, 2021, Spota was sentenced to five years in prison. McPartland was also sentenced to five years.

The latest on the Spota case

Aug. 10, 2021: Spota, McPartland each sentenced to 5 years in prison Aug. 8, 2021: Spota, McPartland to learn their fates at sentencing scheduled Aug. 5, 2021: Spota, McPartland face 57 to 71 months in prison under federal sentencing guidelines, judge rules June 30, 2021: Spota, McPartland defense teams argue against possible sentence enhancements May 1, 2021: Unsealed Spota records reveal allegations of plot to topple Levy April 17, 2021: Feds: Spota and McPartland should serve 8 years in prison for Burke cover-up March 9, 2021: Spota, McPartland should not go to prison over Burke cover-up, court papers say Feb. 25, 2021: Federal judge in Spota-McPartland criminal case said she would unseal some court records Dec. 10, 2020: Judge sets Spota, McPartland sentencings for March 24 Nov. 30, 2020: Judge refuses to toss Spota-McPartland convictions; defendants won’t get new trials July 1, 2020: Feds, defense clash over sentencing date for ex-Suffolk DA Spota June 10, 2020: Former Suffolk DA Spota disbarred from practice of law due to conviction May 28, 2020: Spota, McPartland sentencing delayed again due to coronavirus May 5, 2020: Defense for ex-DA: Prosecution brushed off defense bid for new trial April 13, 2020: Defense, prosecution spar on bid for new trial for Spota, top aide March 9, 2020: Suffolk sues Spota, McPartland and Burke for back pay and benefits Feb. 28, 2020: Papers: Spota, McPartland want convictions thrown out; seek new trial Feb. 12, 2020: Sentencing delayed for former Suffolk DA Jan. 10, 2020: Bellone: Spota conviction closed ‘dark chapter’ in Suffolk history Jan. 7, 2020: Sentencing set for April for Spota, McPartland Dec. 17, 2019: Jury finds Thomas Spota, Christopher McPartland guilty Dec. 16, 2019: Spota-McPartland jury sends 3 notes to judge as deliberations start Dec. 16, 2019: Power on Trial: Judge mentions Burke 45 times in jury instructions Dec. 12, 2019: Power on Trial: Don’t judge Spota for Burke association, lawyer says Dec. 12, 2019: Defense: No credible evidence ex-DA Spota was corrupt Dec. 12, 2019: Power on Trial: Defendants formed a cabal, prosecutor says Dec. 12, 2019: Defense: Spota had track record of doing ‘right thing’ in Burke case Dec. 11, 2019: Power on Trial: Defendants formed a cabal, prosecutor says Dec. 11, 2019: Lawyers sum up in Spota, McPartland obstruction trial Dec. 10, 2019: Power on Trial: James Burke’s lawyer takes the stand Dec. 10, 2019: Ex-chief’s lawyer at trial: Burke wanted it known he didn’t cooperate Dec. 9, 2019: Power on Trial: Burke brother says guilty plea was ‘tough pill’ Dec. 9, 2019: Witness: McPartland took jailed ex-PD chief’s money without questions Dec. 5, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-Spota deputy says Burke trash-talked DA’s office Dec. 5, 2019: Ex-DA’s deputy: Spota had a ‘queasy’ feeling about chief’s comment Dec. 4, 2019: Power on Trial: Burke cried at Spota’s home, witness says Dec. 4, 2019: Former top prosecutor says ex-DA was angry at handling of beating case Dec. 3, 2019: Power on Trial: McPartland, Spota lawyers quiz ex-cop Dec. 3, 2019: Defense for ex-DA Spota attacks star government witness Dec. 2, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-cop feared for safety in Burke meeting Dec. 2, 2019: Ex-cop testifies he feared for life as beating cover-up unraveled Nov. 26, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-cop links McPartland, Spota to cover-up Nov. 26, 2019: Witness: Spota demanded to know who ‘flipped’ on Burke cover-up Nov. 25, 2019: Power on Trial: Stress over Loeb probe put cop in hospital Nov. 25, 2019: Doctor: Key witness in Spota case hallucinated after stress, no sleep Nov. 21, 2019: Power on Trial: A brutal beating described Nov. 21, 2019: Witness: Burke’s fury sparked by prisoner’s ‘pervert’ insult Nov. 20, 2019: Power on Trial: Cops describe department in turmoil Nov. 20, 2019: Ex-detective testifies he put family in hotel due to concerns about Burke case Nov. 19, 2019: Power on Trial: Current and former cops take the stand Nov. 19, 2019: Detective: Burke’s bag contained sex toys, condoms, union cards Nov. 18, 2019: Power on Trial: Suffolk Dems leader takes the stand Nov. 18, 2019: Schaffer: Spota boosted Burke’s bid for chief job Nov. 14, 2019: Power on Trial: Spota, McPartland trial gets underway Nov. 14, 2019: Feds: Spota, McPartland thought they were above the law Nov. 13, 2019: Jury selected in case against former Suffolk DA and aide Nov. 12, 2019: Key figure appears at final jury selection round in Spota-McPartland trial Nov. 9, 2019: Former DA Spota’s obstruction trial to start Tuesday Nov. 5, 2019: Jury selection moves forward in case against Spota, McPartland Oct. 30, 2019: Hundreds of potential jurors screened for Spota/McPartland trial Oct. 2, 2019: Judge denies defense request for Spota, McPartland trial delay Sept. 11, 2019: Lawyers: Ex-Suffolk DA, aide committed no crime June 27, 2019: Judge sets trial schedule for ex-DA Spota, aide April 1, 2019: Judge delays the Spota-McPartland trial to November March 21, 2019: Unsealed court letter reveals details of investigation into Spota March 11, 2019: Bellone signs bill to recoup Burke pay; targets Spota Dec. 26, 2018: Papers detail alleged efforts to thwart Burke probe Dec. 6, 2018: Prosecutors: Spota, top aide plotted to obstruct justice Oct. 25, 2018: Judge delays obstruction trial of Spota, aide to May July 20, 2018: Feds close to turning over evidence in Spota case July 18, 2018: Editorial: Corruption trials demand reforms July 11, 2018: Ex-Spota aide McPartland gets legal defense fund July 2, 2018: Brown: Stay tuned. More corruption trials are to come April 12, 2018: Power on Trial: Judge in Mangano trial also presiding over Spota case April 12, 2018: Federal judge sets Spota trial date Jan. 26, 2018: Spota, former aide make brief court appearance in cover-up case Feb. 1, 2018: Suffolk agrees to settle Christopher Loeb’s lawsuit, officials say Jan. 26, 2018: Spota, former aide make brief court appearance in cover-up case Jan. 11, 2018: Spota paid $154,000 to defense from campaign fund Jan. 7, 2018: Former Thomas Spota aide hired by Suffolk Sheriff Errol Toulon Jr. Jan. 2, 2018: Editorial: Tough but clear path for Sini Dec. 23, 2017: Arc of Thomas Spota’s career marked by close relationship with police Dec. 1, 2017: Thomas Spota’s aide wants government to pay for current attorney Nov. 21, 2017: Records: Suffolk DA’s office bonuses totaled $3.25M since 2012 Nov. 15, 2017: Brown: Restore trust in Suffolk DA’s office — now, not later Nov. 13, 2017: Cuomo aide: No plans to appoint an interim DA in Suffolk Nov. 10, 2017: Tim Sini wants to discuss early appointment as Suffolk DA Nov. 8, 2017: Thomas Spota’s last day will be Friday, says DA’s office Nov. 8, 2017: Original charges against James Burke’s accuser dropped Nov. 8, 2017: Sini defeats Perini in Suffolk district attorney contest Nov. 3, 2017: Editorial: One way to fight election collusion on Long Island Oct. 28, 2017: Brown: Spota couldn’t continue as Suffolk DA Oct. 27, 2017: Rich Schaffer, Steve Bellone differ over Spota resignation Oct. 26, 2017: DA Thomas Spota ‘leaving my post’ after federal indictment Oct. 26, 2017: Burke, former chief at heart of Spota case, receives $145G pension Oct. 26, 2017: Spota’s decades-long relationship with Burke leads to indictment Oct. 25, 2017: Democratic lawmakers urge Thomas Spota to resign Oct. 25, 2017: Suffolk DA Thomas Spota, top aide indicted in cover-up Oct. 25, 2017: Spota, McPartland draw mix of onlookers to courtroom Oct. 25, 2017: District Attorney Thomas Spota’s contempt for the law Oct. 13, 2017: Suffolk DA Thomas Spota awards $2.7 million in staff bonuses, records show June 14, 2017: Brown: LI’s top cops: Looking ahead to possible changes May 12, 2017: Brown: Longtime Suffolk DA Thomas Spota will leave under a cloud May 12, 2017: Suffolk District Attorney Spota says he won’t seek re-election May 12, 2017: After 40 years in law enforcement, Spota calls it a career May 12, 2017: Timeline of Suffolk District Attorney Thomas Spota’s career April 26, 2017: Attorneys: Christopher Loeb indictment should be thrown out Dec. 21, 2016: ‘Numerous’ cops pleaded guilty in James Burke cover-up, court papers say March 12, 2016: Brown: Edward Walsh trial may spotlight DA Thomas Spota
Other LI officials charged with abuse of power

The Politics of Corruption: Christopher McPartland

Suffolk County District Attorney Chief Aide Christopher McPartland

Christopher McPartland

Convicted of:Conspiracy, obstruction of justice, witness tampering and acting as accessories to the deprivation of the civil rights of Christopher Loeb, a suspect in the break-in of Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s department SUV

Christopher McPartland, one of Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota’s chief aides, who ran the office’s political corruption unit, was indicted along with Spota in October 2017 on federal charges related to allegations the two were involved in a cover-up of ex-Suffolk Police Chief James Burke’s assault of a suspect. McPartland pleaded not guilty to the charges. McPartland was fired by incoming District Attorney Timothy Sini and left the DA’s office as of Dec. 31, 2017, according to spokesman Justin Meyers. Spota and McPartland’s trial began on Nov. 12, 2019. Spota and McPartland were convicted on all counts on Dec. 17, 2019. On Aug. 10, 2021, McPartland was sentenced to five years in prison. Spota was also sentenced to five years.

The latest on McPartland’s case

Aug. 10, 2021: Spota, McPartland each sentenced to 5 years in prison Aug. 8, 2021: Spota, McPartland to learn their fates at sentencing scheduled Aug. 5, 2021: Spota, McPartland face 57 to 71 months in prison under federal sentencing guidelines, judge rules June 30, 2021: Spota, McPartland defense teams argue against possible sentence enhancements May 1, 2021: Unsealed Spota records reveal allegations of plot to topple Levy April 17, 2021: Feds: Spota and McPartland should serve 8 years in prison for Burke cover-up March 9, 2021: Spota, McPartland should not go to prison over Burke cover-up, court papers say Feb. 25, 2021: Federal judge in Spota-McPartland criminal case said she would unseal some court records Dec. 10, 2020: Judge sets Spota, McPartland sentencings for March 24 Nov. 30, 2020: Judge refuses to toss Spota-McPartland convictions; defendants won’t get new trials July 1, 2020: Feds, defense clash over sentencing date for ex-Suffolk DA Spota June 10, 2020: Former Suffolk DA Spota disbarred from practice of law due to conviction May 28, 2020: Spota, McPartland sentencing delayed again due to coronavirus May 5, 2020: Defense for ex-DA: Prosecution brushed off defense bid for new trial April 13, 2020: Defense, prosecution spar on bid for new trial for Spota, top aide March 9, 2020: Suffolk sues Spota, McPartland and Burke for back pay and benefits Feb. 28, 2020: Papers: Spota, McPartland want convictions thrown out; seek new trial Feb. 12, 2020: Sentencing delayed for former Suffolk DA Jan. 10, 2020: Bellone: Spota conviction closed ‘dark chapter’ in Suffolk history Jan. 7, 2020: Sentencing set for April for Spota, McPartland Dec. 17, 2019: Jury finds Thomas Spota, Christopher McPartland guilty Dec. 16, 2019: Spota-McPartland jury sends 3 notes to judge as deliberations start Dec. 16, 2019: Power on Trial: Judge mentions Burke 45 times in jury instructions Dec. 12, 2019: Defense: No credible evidence ex-DA Spota was corrupt Dec. 11, 2019: Power on Trial: Defendants formed a cabal, prosecutor says Dec. 11, 2019: Lawyers sum up in Spota, McPartland obstruction trial Dec. 10, 2019: Power on Trial: James Burke’s lawyer takes the stand Dec. 10, 2019: Ex-chief’s lawyer at trial: Burke wanted it known he didn’t cooperate Dec. 9, 2019: Power on Trial: Burke brother says guilty plea was ‘tough pill’ Dec. 9, 2019: Witness: McPartland took jailed ex-PD chief’s money without questions Dec. 5, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-Spota deputy says Burke trash-talked DA’s office Dec. 5, 2019: Ex-DA’s deputy: Spota had a ‘queasy’ feeling about chief’s comment Dec. 4, 2019: Power on Trial: Burke cried at Spota’s home, witness says Dec. 4, 2019: Former top prosecutor says ex-DA was angry at handling of beating case Dec. 3, 2019: Power on Trial: McPartland, Spota lawyers quiz ex-cop Dec. 3, 2019: Defense for ex-DA Spota attacks star government witness Dec. 2, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-cop feared for safety in Burke meeting Dec. 2, 2019: Ex-cop testifies he feared for life as beating cover-up unraveled Nov. 26, 2019: Power on Trial: Ex-cop links McPartland, Spota to cover-up Nov. 26, 2019: Witness: Spota demanded to know who ‘flipped’ on Burke cover-up Nov. 25, 2019: Power on Trial: Stress over Loeb probe put cop in hospital Nov. 25, 2019: Doctor: Key witness in Spota case hallucinated after stress, no sleep Nov. 21, 2019: Power on Trial: A brutal beating described Nov. 21, 2019: Witness: Burke’s fury sparked by prisoner’s ‘pervert’ insult Nov. 20, 2019: Power on Trial: Cops describe department in turmoil Nov. 20, 2019: Ex-detective testifies he put family in hotel due to concerns about Burke case Nov. 19, 2019: Power on Trial: Current and former cops take the stand Nov. 19, 2019: Detective: Burke’s bag contained sex toys, condoms, union cards Nov. 18, 2019: Power on Trial: Suffolk Dems leader takes the stand Nov. 18, 2019: Schaffer: Spota boosted Burke’s bid for chief job Nov. 14, 2019: Power on Trial: Spota, McPartland trial gets underway Nov. 14, 2019: Feds: Spota, McPartland thought they were above the law Nov. 13, 2019: Jury selected in case against former Suffolk DA and aide Nov. 12, 2019: Key figure appears at final jury selection round in Spota-McPartland trial Nov. 9, 2019: Former DA Spota’s obstruction trial to start Tuesday Nov. 5, 2019: Jury selection moves forward in case against Spota, McPartland Oct. 30, 2019: Hundreds of potential jurors screened for Spota/McPartland trial Oct. 2, 2019: Judge denies defense request for Spota, McPartland trial delay Sept. 11, 2019: Lawyers: Ex-Suffolk DA, aide committed no crime June 27, 2019: Judge sets trial schedule for ex-DA Spota, aide April 1, 2019: Judge delays the Spota-McPartland trial to November March 11, 2019: Bellone signs bill to recoup Burke pay; targets Spota Dec. 6, 2018: Prosecutors: Spota, top aide plotted to obstruct justice Oct. 25, 2018: Judge delays obstruction trial of Spota, aide to May June 20, 2018: Prosecutors turning over evidence in Spota-McPartland case, government says June 11, 2018: Christopher McPartland gets legal defense fund June 2, 2018: Brown More corruption trials on Long Island are to come April 12, 2018: Power on Trial: Judge in Mangano trial also presiding over Spota case April 12, 2018: Judge gets Spota trial date for March, 2019 Jan. 26, 2018: Spota, former aide make brief court appearance in cover-up case Dec. 23, 2017: Arc of Thomas Spota’s career marked by close relationship with police Dec. 1, 2017: Thomas Spota’s aide wants government to pay for current attorney Nov. 21, 2017: Records: Suffolk DA’s office bonuses totaled $3.25M since 2012 Nov. 15, 2017: Brown: Restore trust in Suffolk DA’s office — now, not later Oct. 28, 2017: Brown: Thomas Spota couldn’t continue as Suffolk DA Oct. 26, 2017: Spota, McPartland draw mix of onlookers to courtroom Oct. 26, 2017: Suffolk DA Thomas Spota, top aide indicted in cover-up June 11, 2016: Sources: Probe focuses on Thomas Spota, Christopher McPartland Feb. 7, 2016: Feds probe if Suffolk wiretap violated civil rights, sources say Jan. 10, 2016: Chris McPartland, Spota deputy, sought Internal Affairs files on James Burke, sources say Jan. 7, 2016: Christopher McPartland, key aide to DA Thomas Spota, investigated by federal grand jury, sources say
Other LI officials charged with abuse of power

Building an empire of crime

John (Sonny) Franzese wanted to secure the royalties from a hit song for a friend’s record company in the ’60s, he recalled recently, so he hung the songwriter out the window of the Brill Building in Manhattan by his legs until the man said, “You got it.”

Around the same time, Franzese moved in on a Long Island trucking company, sending four men to attack the owner with baseball bats, said Gerald Shur, a former official in the U.S. Justice Department. After signing over half his business, the owner approached federal investigators but was too terrified to testify. That incident, said Shur, led him to successfully push for the creation of the Witness Protection Program.

Some years later, Franzese’s youngest son, John Jr., remembers, he was driving his father along the Belt Parkway in Brooklyn when Franzese gestured as if he were putting a gun in his belt and grunted, “Over here, son.”

At first, John Jr. didn’t understand. “I’ve got to explain to you everything!” he recalled his father yelling. “That’s why you’ll never be like me! Around here, there was some work done, and now let’s go.”

“Work” is a Mafia euphemism for murder.

I never hurt nobody that was innocent.

John (Sonny) Franzese

In these instances and many others, Franzese, the longtime Colombo family underboss who  died in a New York City veterans hospital last Sunday at 103, left an indelible imprint on Long Island and came to personify the noirish glamour of New York City’s underworld. To many, he is one of the most darkly iconic mobsters ever. When FBI agents wrote reports about him, they were often addressed directly to J. Edgar Hoover.

Having outlived the mob giants of his time by years if not decades, his passing qualifies as a final death knell for an era when organized crime infiltrated huge swatches of the nation’s life with a menacing force and bravado.

Franzese’s story has never been fully told. But after spending 35 years in prison and another 15 on parole, he started telling it himself to Newsday in a series of interviews over the last two years.

His cogent remarks, made over lunches in his Queens nursing home, displayed undiminished brashness, enduring allegiance to the Mafia’s crumbling code of silence and no regret for his life of crime. “I never hurt nobody that was innocent,” he said.

The conversations became the foundation of a deep look into his life, the Mafia on Long Island and beyond in the golden age of the mob, and how the arc of justice played itself out.

Franzese moved to his two-story house in Roslyn when most of the mob’s activity on Long Island was in its infancy and built an empire of loan sharking, extortion and gambling that comprised fully half the rackets on the Island, according to one Nassau investigator at the time.

In New York City, he cut a ruggedly elegant figure at clubs like the Copacabana and the Latin Quarter, maneuvered his way through mob wars and moved in on businesses that touched untold people in unexpected and hidden ways. He was the silent partner behind some of the biggest pop records of the day and the biggest grossing porn movie of all time, “Deep Throat.”

And by his own admission on an FBI wiretap, he was responsible for many murders, although that’s not how he remembered it in his final Newsday interview on his 103rd birthday, Feb. 6.

“I never murdered nobody,” he said, his defiance clear, even though he was recovering from pneumonia.

Although Franzese refused to acknowledge even the existence of the Mafia or complicity in any crime he could still be charged with, he spoke proudly of his criminal career.

Asked about his reputation, he said, “I’m not a guy that scares easily. I don’t care.”

Asked if during his night-clubbing days he knew Frank Sinatra, Franzese replied, “You asked the question the wrong way. You should have asked, ‘Did Frank Sinatra know Sonny Franzese?’”

Asked if the FBI pressured him to violate omertà — the mob’s code of silence — he repeatedly professed ignorance: “What does that mean? I don’t get it.”

Still, he reflected at another point, “They wanted me to roll all the time. I couldn’t do that. Because it’s my principle.”

During the interviews, Franzese exuded an earthy charm that was well known not only to friends but adversaries. Numerous FBI agents and prosecutors told Newsday he could be gentlemanly, even while being arrested. His son Michael speaks of his “chameleon” personality.

Former FBI agent Vincent D’Agostino, who listened to hours of secretly recorded tapes, said Franzese was charismatic, funny and a great storyteller.

“There’s a duality that comes with most criminals, not just organized crime, but it’s especially pronounced with people involved in organized crime,” he said. “I’m not a psychologist, but to me [they] clearly are narcissistic sociopaths. That’s part of the way they survive.”

This was apparent in Franzese’s conversations, D’Agostino said. “He’d be talking about great food at a restaurant one minute and then the dismemberment of a body literally a minute later.”

Beyond the bonhomie and dire deeds, a more cautionary story emerges of the cost of mob life, not only from Franzese’s own words, but from extensive interviews with two of his sons and scores of friends and other family members. These interviews are buttressed by thousands of pages of prison, court and police records dating back to the 1930s.

As Franzese sat in prison for decades after a conviction for a crime he denies committing, his family disintegrated. A daughter died of an overdose. His sons did time themselves and put their lives in danger by cooperating with the feds. And his once-elegant wife, Tina, beset by increasingly irrational rages as Franzese’s devotion to the Mafia kept pulling him away, wound up sick and destitute, living briefly in her car.

“I don’t know of any family of any member of that life that hasn’t been totally destroyed,” Franzese’s son Michael said.

Although until the end Franzese was mentally sharp and a lively raconteur, still proudly boasting a full head of hair, he mostly relied on a wheelchair  and suffered a litany of physical ailments.

Once a wealthy man who jetted with his family on the Concorde and entertained bands like Kool and the Gang at his home, he got by on government benefits.

“The money,” he said, “it’s all gone.”

Brutal rise

Every mob saga seems to start in a gritty immigrant neighborhood. For toughness, it would be hard to beat Franzese’s: 1920s Greenpoint, Brooklyn.

He was one of 10 children who grew to adulthood in the family of Carmine (The Lion) Franzese, who was well respected in Mafia ranks, according to a memo from the Federal Narcotics Bureau, which preceded the FBI in investigating organized crime.

Franzese had some fond childhood memories — walking to Ebbets Field with his brother to watch the Dodgers and listening to the radio broadcast of the epic heavyweight championship fight between Jack Dempsey and Luis Firpo in September 1923.

I don’t know of any family of any member of that life that hasn’t been totally destroyed.

Michael Franzese

But then there are other memories.

When he was 2, he fought with a girl over a card and she stabbed him in the right eye with a fork, leaving him blind in that eye. At 15, he was expelled from Eastern District High School after he knocked out another boy in a brawl over a stolen cigarette lighter. His older brothers frequently called on him to settle disputes.

His brother Louie had a bread business, and a customer failed to pay him. “So I go down and I grab both testicles and I said, ‘You buy bread from my brother, right?’ He says, ‘Yeah.’” The man admitted that he was late in his payment, saying, “I’m having a little tough time.” Franzese would have none of that. “Pay him the money. ‘Tough time?’ Don’t argue. Pay your other bills, pay his bill, too.”

The man paid.

By the time he was 18, Franzese said, he was running the largest craps game in New York. A “wise guy” hosted the game, but “I was the one running it.”

Despite not finishing high school, Franzese said he did well academically and impressed his principal enough that, after he retired, he asked about his former student.

“He comes back into the neighborhood and starts asking questions about me,” Franzese recalled. “When they told him that I ran the neighborhood, that I become a wise guy, he said, ‘I expected him to become something big, but not that.’”

After Pearl Harbor, he went to an Army recruiter and insisted on enlisting, bad eye notwithstanding. “They liked me because I had guts,” he said.

Federal court records show he was dishonorably discharged for “homicidal tendencies.”

His extensive rap sheet started before the war, with an arrest for felonious assault in 1938. It was littered over the years with charges that included common gambler, suspicious person, consorting and even rape. Shown his rap sheet in an interview, Franzese laughed, looking at it as if it were a high school yearbook, with a story behind almost every entry.

He adamantly denied the rape: “This was a lie, this rape case.”

He said he had met the woman at a club and found out later that two of his friends had raped her. A detective accused him; when he denied it, the detective demanded his friends’ names.

“So I said to him, ‘No.’ I said, “I don’t know who the guys are, and I don’t know who the girl is. I ain’t gonna admit to nothin.’ And they booked me under the goddamn charge. Now we go to court, and the girl won’t show up. We go to court again, and the girl won’t show up. The judge got aggravated and he threw the case out. So how the hell, now I got a record for a rape charge that I never committed?”

Her failure to appear was a harbinger for what was to come in other Franzese court cases. There were also witnesses with memory problems and witnesses who changed their minds.  Franzese showed a remarkable ability to dodge jail time, as judges dismissed charges or he was acquitted.

He was inducted into the Mafia at an early age. John Jr. said his father was only 14 and that his induction was kept secret for two years because he was so young. Franzese was caught on an FBI tape telling an associate that he had committed his first murder at that age as a favor to mob boss Carlo Gambino, D’Agostino said.

Franzese steadily moved through the ranks of what was then known as the Profaci family, which ran numerous rackets in Brooklyn and later became known as the Colombo crime family. His reputation for ruthlessness, brains and self-discipline grew.

Making his mark

Behind it all was the threat of remorseless violence.

John Jr. recalled that there was a pool of acid at one of the family’s body shops and that it always caught his father’s eye. “Bones dissolve in the acid,” John remembers him pointing out.

The New York Times reported in 1967 that authorities believed he personally killed or ordered the killings of as many as 40 or 50 people.

Decades later, they had Franzese’s own words to back them up. In a secretly taped conversation in 2006 with a cooperating witness named Guy Fatato, Franzese said: “I killed a lot of guys … you’re not talking about four, five, six, 10.”

At his peak in the 1960s, Franzese was among roughly 100 top mobsters living in Nassau County – more than any other suburban area in the country— and a dominant local figure in the Colombo crime family.

The Colombos were the family most active on Long Island in the 1960s. They were involved in all the rackets but specialized in loan sharking. Through that, they infiltrated liquor wholesalers that supplied many bars, restaurants and clubs and moved into meat markets, pizzerias and even linen supply companies.  

Franzese was a caporegime, or captain, ranking just below the boss and underboss, according to FBI files.  Below him were his crew of soldiers and associates, who were not made men, who helped him run operations and kicked up money to him.

He didn’t smoke or drink and eschewed the wine-fueled pasta lunches other mobsters enjoyed. In one interview, he spoke of the dangers of sugar. Asked in a recent interview when he last used sugar, he replied, “1942.”

He never used the same pay phone twice. Michael remembers that when he and his father discussed business, Franzese would lead him into the bathroom and turn on the water to drown out their conversation.

Members of his crew were both fiercely loyal and utterly terrified of him. Sal Polisi, a former mob associate whose uncle was in Franzese’s crew, recalled what happened after Franzese sold his car to a Long Island dealership. A salesman told the purchaser to have it swept for bugs because it had belonged to “a hoodlum named Sonny Franzese.”

Word got back, and three thugs attacked the salesman with baseball bats. He was crippled for life, according to Polisi.

“He was hardcore,” Polisi said of Franzese.

Going strong

According to an FBI report, he owned or had interests in clubs like the 107 North Disco in Glen Cove, San Susan club in Mineola, Decameron Room in Levittown, Apple Orchard Restaurant in Roslyn and Le Tique Disco in Levittown. He also had a health spa and a motel and was moving in on labor unions.  

“I started making money and then I opened up a club, another club, another club, and I started making big money,” he said. “Never under my name though — I couldn’t get a license.”

Asked why, he said, “I was a bad guy.”

He also was a loan shark and extortionist who infiltrated legitimate businesses, according to an FBI memo.

He seems to be involved in everything.

Norman Levy, then-rackets chief of the Nassau DA’s office

In 1962, the NYPD uncovered an intimidation campaign directed at beauty parlors in Queens aimed at extorting $5,000 from each business. The Queens district attorney charged Franzese and an associate with flooding the parlors with mice, dropping off coffee containers filled with bees and sending in women “goons” who noisily demanded instant service. The charges were dismissed, for unclear reasons; the records are sealed.

“He seems to be involved in everything,” Norman Levy, rackets chief of the Nassau district attorney’s office, told Newsday in 1965.

Shur, the retired Justice Department attorney who started the Witness Protection Program, put it this way: “I don’t think there was anything he wouldn’t do to get money.”

In December 1964, the state Commission of Investigation subpoenaed Franzese to testify at a hearing about loan sharking in Suffolk County. He refused, invoking the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination 18 times.

Other mobsters appeared, but a terrifying story about Franzese’s crew captured public attention.

A trembling, middle-aged woman testified that when her North Babylon luncheonette fell on hard times, her husband turned to a loan shark for desperately needed cash. Soon, Franzese associate Felice (Phil) Vizzari and other mobsters moved in, using the luncheonette to take bets. After the woman complained in a letter to the Suffolk district attorney, two thugs showed up one night at her house and beat her.

The couple wound up leaving town.

Love at first sight

Around 1950, Franzese, then 33 and married with children, met 16-year-old Tina Capobianco. Friends invited him to the famed Stork Club because they thought he’d like Tina, a pretty cigarette girl. He was smitten immediately.

 “I fell in love with her the second I saw her,” he said. “Isn’t that something? That’s how it went. Love at first sight. She was very pretty, a very pretty girl. She knew how to dress, she knew how to walk, every goddamn thing.”

Tina became his abiding love and the one person he couldn’t tame.

“He was no match for my mother,” John Jr. said.

Tina was sophisticated, intelligent and had exquisite taste, according to family and friends. They also said she was a “gangster” herself, unafraid to go toe-to-toe with her husband, sometimes even threatening him with a knife.

“She wasn’t that scrambled-egg bimbo stereotype,” said Artie Ripp, a music producer and former business partner of Franzese, describing her as someone who could hold her own in any social situation.

Franzese said Hollywood producers wanted to sign her for a movie contract, but he was dead set against it, concerned about Hollywood debauchery. Although he would cheat on her constantly, he would not tolerate even the possibility of her cheating.

“I told her, ‘You do that, we’ll break up. You’re not gonna be my girl,’” he said. “I’m a diehard guy. You’re my woman, you’re my woman, nobody else’s.’

“She didn’t take it.”

Their courtship was rocky, marked by breakups. When she was 18, Tina married another man and had a son, Michael, but Franzese pursued her relentlessly, persuading her to marry him in 1959.

When they returned from their Mexican honeymoon, she learned for the first time that he had three children from his first marriage and that she would be caring for them.

That pattern of withholding information —an essential trait in Franzese’s business — persisted throughout their marriage, and her resentment festered.  

“The women [in the family], especially, got lied to all the time,” John Jr. said.

In short order, she had three children with Sonny – John Jr., Gia and Christina. Overwhelmed and angry at her circumstances, Tina treated her stepchildren differently, even giving them less expensive Christmas gifts, John Jr. said.  

By January 1962, the family had moved to a newly built colonial on Shrub Hollow Road in Roslyn. Franzese complained to his friend, boxer Tommy Gallagher, that he had to move to Long Island to escape cops shaking him down.

This has some confirmation in the FBI’s voluminous file on Gregory (Grim Reaper) Scarpa, a Colombo caporegime who became a valued informant in 1961. He told agents that Franzese and Joseph Colombo were paying NYPD cops $1,500 a month for protection of a single Brooklyn craps game.

Franzese was always suspicious of Scarpa, John Jr. said. Warning his son to “be very careful,” Franzese told him, “there’s something very wrong about him.”

Four former Shrub Hollow neighbors recalled Franzese’s unusual impact on the block. “I remember my parents saying there were never any robberies around because they were there,” remembered Diana DeRose Gilbert, whose brother was in the same grade as Franzese’s daughter Gia.

And having FBI agents on the block couldn’t have hurt. They surveilled the house constantly. Occasionally they would question children as they got off the school bus, Gilbert said.

Franzese could be expansive. “We used to have this ice cream man come down and there were times when he would just buy it for all the kids on the block,” Gilbert recalled.

Inside the house, life was less all-American. FBI agents had planted a bug in the kitchen wall and were listening to daily conversations. Previously undisclosed FBI notes document frequent arguments between Tina and Franzese, often over money.

One day, Franzese was angry about an overdrawn checking account. On another, Tina yelled at him sarcastically, “Does it cost a lot to support me?”

Other times, they argued about childcare chores and even whose mother was better.

More ominously, the notes show that the couple feared for each other’s safety, particularly after an epic war broke out within the Profaci family that resulted in at least a dozen murders. It started after the brash mob insurgent “Crazy Joe” Gallo and his brothers demanded a bigger share of the profits.

Tina told her mother that every time her husband went out, she was afraid she would read that he had been murdered, according to one FBI memo.

And in one argument, Franzese told her, “I was on pins and needles. I didn’t know if something had happened to you.”

Michael recalled it as “really a tense time.”

“I remember my dad being gone for days at a time, being on the lam,” he said, recalling one particular day: “He came home in the morning, it was early, with a very heavy beard. And he was with my mother and I was kind of sitting on the steps looking out. And we had two guys outside, just kind of watching everything.”

Within a year, fortunes changed. Profaci died of cancer, Gallo was in prison, and Franzese was deeply involved in brokering a truce, gaining the respect of both sides. His close friend and partner, Joseph Colombo, became the family’s leader, cementing Franzese’s reputation on the street.

On Long Island and in New York, the best, and worst, was about to come.


Reporter/writer: Sandra Peddie Project editor: Martin Gottlieb Video director: Robert Cassidy Video editor: Raychel Brightman Videographers: Jeffrey Basinger, Brightman, Cassidy, Arnold Miller, Chris Ware and Yeong-Ung Yang Photo editor: John Keating Project manager: Heather Doyle Additional editing: Doug Dutton and Robert Shields Digital design/UX: Matthew Cassella and James Stewart Additional project management: Joe Diglio and Tara Conry Digital quality assurance: Daryl Becker Social media: Anahita Pardiwalla Research: Caroline Curtin and Laura Mann Additional research: Nyasia Draper and Judy Weinberg Copy editing: Don Bruce, Ron Bittner and Martha Guevara Print design: Seth Mates

Living the high life

In the galaxy of 1960s New York nightclubs, the Copacabana shone brightest.

Getting in wasn’t easy. Celebrities, socialites and sports stars all jockeyed for a coveted table amid the bustle and faux palm trees. But one patron never had a problem.

Asked where he sat when he went there, John (Sonny) Franzese smiled and said, “Wherever I wanted.”

Franzese, then a Colombo family capo, frequented all the top clubs. But it was the Copacabana, with its roster of glittering acts and the Copa Girls dance line, where he felt most at home. If the club was filled, Franzese would go to the back door and tell workers to set a table on the stage, said his friend, Tony Napoli, whose father was a Genovese capo.

Franzese, who died on Feb. 23 at age 103,  recalled those nights recently as part of a series of interviews with Newsday over the past two years. The conversations became the foundation of a deep look into his life, the Mafia on Long Island and beyond in the golden age of the mob, and how the arc of justice played itself out.

“People would come there to see me, too,” he said over pasta e fagioli in his nursing home. “You thought I was the star sometimes, you know.”

In the ’60s, in New York City and on Long Island, he was.  

High times

While recovering from a heart attack in May 1962, Meyer Lansky, the mob’s numbers wizard, was watching a TV show on organized crime in a Manhattan hotel room. After a panelist commented on the Mafia’s size and power, Lansky turned to his wife and, in words surreptitiously recorded by FBI agents, remarked, “We’re bigger than U.S. Steel.”

His wry observation was apt.  

The Mafia was riding high on Long Island, in New York City and nationwide. In addition to earning millions in traditional rackets, it steadily made inroads into government, legitimate businesses, entertainment and unions. Its grip on New York, Franzese said, was “unbelievable.”

He looked for any business opening and made a niche for himself in a range of pop culture. Money poured in from performers as disparate as the Isley Brothers, the Lovin’ Spoonful and Linda Lovelace — both on peep show loops and in her movie debut in “Deep Throat.”  

Franzese’s activities took him out of the shadows and practically pushed him in the face of prosecutors still mindful of the dozen cases they brought against him that, in toto, produced a single $50 fine on an incidental gambling charge back in 1943.

Unlike his mob confederates, who hid their faces from news photographers during arrests, Franzese looked directly at cameras. When he was out and about, he even told companions to smile for news photographers.

“All of a sudden, I started to become more famous every day, and I never knew why,” he reflected in a Newsday interview. “People just liked me. You know what I mean? I was just like a big hit with them.”    

Franzese was always nattily dressed and knew that reporters would describe his wardrobe in detail, cashmere overcoats included. “In those days,” he said, “cashmere was expensive.”

“I knew how to buy clothes, more than a lot of guys did.”

People were paying attention.

Robert F. Kennedy, the nation’s new attorney general, declared war on the mob in 1961. Two years later, Genovese soldier Joe Valachi became the first Mafiosi to break omertà, the code of silence. In televised congressional hearings, he described its structure, rackets, rituals and coldblooded violence, and he named dozens of key players.

Valachi noted Franzese’s rise, telling then-Nassau District Attorney William Cahn in a private interview, “He has a hand in everything. He’s a real big man in gambling,” a Newsday story related.

David Shapiro, a former FBI agent who teaches at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said that while such bravado could help business by burnishing an image of invincibility, it also antagonizes law enforcement.

“They look at a guy like that and say, ‘How does he live like that? Where does he get his money?’”

When they did, they found that Franzese had built an expansive criminal empire, one they set out to crush.

Doing business

On Long Island, thousands of residents engaged, wittingly or not, with his business interests. In addition to controlling illegal gambling, he had hidden interests in restaurants, clubs, car dealerships and other businesses. In one particularly audacious instance, mobsters tied to Franzese were caught trying to organize 7,000 barbers into a sham union that would have yielded millions in dues to the mob.

But it was within the cultural caldron of 1960s Manhattan where his reach was most striking, and not just because, by his account, he dated Marilyn Monroe and Jayne Mansfield. It extended from the peep shows of Times Square to the Top 40 rock of Tin Pan Alley to the Rat Pack glamour of the Copa and far beyond to entertainment venues across the country.

He had a secret interest in a booking agency run by Norby Walters, a longtime club owner and talent agent who had a full roster of run-ins with the law. The agency represented many of the top African American stars of the day, Dionne Warwick included. Franzese’s friends say one way or another he boosted such artists as Sam Cooke and Sammy Davis Jr. and such celebrities of the moment as Van McCoy, who sang “Do the Hustle,” and Johnny Nash, who hit the charts with “I Can See Clearly Now.”

He had the sway, by his telling, to boost the career of a group already topping the charts — The Supremes.

The story goes like this: He persuaded Jules Podell, the Copacabana’s manager and part owner, to book them in the club, which had a spotty history of featuring black performers. Franzese said he felt the group’s appeal was universal.

“‘Look,’ I said, ‘Check it out.’ So he checked it out.”

What followed was a stunningly successful run, which Franzese said paid $1,500 a week, followed by a live album and booking bonanza for other Motown groups.

The record industry

Franzese lent money to a production company run by Phil Steinberg and Hy Mizrahi, founders of Kama Sutra and Buddah Records, two hot independent labels, according to Artie Ripp, their former partner. When they fell behind on payments, Franzese became a silent partner in Kama Sutra, which produced such blockbusters as the Lovin’ Spoonful’s “Summer in the City,” Jay and the Americans’ “Come a Little Bit Closer” and — from its ample bubble-gum catalog — “Yummy, Yummy, Yummy,” by a group called the Ohio Express.

The record business had long been a mobster playground, with hard-to-trace money and a half dozen ways to make it. “I’ll be honest with you, if I don’t get pinched, if I don’t get locked up, I don’t know how much money I’d be worth, you know?”  Franzese said while reflecting on his music business days.

The business was “full of gangsters,” Ripp said, and they fed off exploitative contracts signed by naive teenage performers, stolen song credits, mobbed-up jukebox companies and record-pressing plants, and pay-for-play payoffs to disc jockeys.

“Sonny at least was upfront about where he was at, what his business interests were, what his responsibilities were to the organization that he was part of,” he said.

One negotiating tactic in monetary disputes involved hanging performers and songwriters out a window when they demanded the royalties their contracts called for.

As Ripp explained it from the management perspective, “Somebody says, ‘Look, you got two choices:  One, OK, your signature’s on a piece of paper. Two, your face is on the sidewalk below.

“Ping! OK, then you open up the window, and then you hang the person outside the window.”

Franzese recalled using the maneuver to the desired effect.

Morris Levy, a notorious Genovese crime family associate and music industry powerhouse, had gotten into some serious financial trouble. He  needed a hit at his label, Roulette Records, and he thought he had one in a spoof of the Shangri Las’ “Leader of the Pack.” It was “Leader of the Laundromat” by the Detergents.

It included the refrain:

“My folks were always putting her down (down, down)

“Because her laundry always came back brown (brown, brown).”

The song cleaned up, rising to No. 19 on the Billboard charts. But when the Detergents asked Levy for their royalties, he told them all the records had been sent back unsold, said Ron Dante, a Detergent.

“And he actually said to us, ‘And you can check the books. I keep two sets anyway,’” Dante recalled.

Keenly aware of Levy’s connections, the Detergents backed off, but the group’s songwriter and creator, Paul Vance, stayed behind in Levy’s Brill Building office.

There, too, was Franzese, along with some associates.

Using the mob vernacular for someone associated with a Mafia family, Franzese said Levy  “was a friend of mine,” even though he didn’t like him.

“He robbed everybody,” he said. But mob code required that he help him.

Vance and Levy got into a fistfight, Vance, 90, said in a recent interview, and he knocked Levy  down. Suddenly, Franzese and his fellow Mafiosi jumped up, “The window, the window, you dumb bastard!”

“I hung him out a window,” Franzese said, telling him that if he didn’t give up the royalties, “I’d drop him right there.”

In very short order, Vance said, “You got it,” Franzese said.

“It was amazing,” Vance recalled, and afterward, as often happens in business, antagonists became friends. Franzese “helped me any way he could,” Vance said. When asked how, he replied, “With force.”

Franzese was philosophical about the music industry. “Hey, listen, you had to make money,” he said. “It was tough.” Speaking of his “friends,” he said, “They were all crooks.”

The lore about hanging people out windows by their legs lives on in the music business, where despite the denials of Vanilla Ice, the story is repeatedly told of rap impresario Suge Knight hanging him off a 15th floor balcony in a royalty dispute.

Peep shows and porn

Other parts of pop culture were on fire — the seamiest part included.

In 1964, a landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision held that all but the most extreme pornography was protected under the First Amendment. Massage parlors and peep shows — in which sex films or live sex acts were on display — spread through Times Square.

In the middle of it all, in paisley shirts, bell-bottoms and a walrus mustache, was a now-deceased entrepreneur from Lawrence named Marty Hodas. Known as “the King of the Peeps,” his storefront empire was fueled by an endless stream of quarters. In one year, according to testimony before the State Investigation Commission, one of his peep emporiums brought in $1.52 million, the equivalent of $10.7 million today.

That kind of money caught Franzese’s attention, according to police sources quoted at the time. In an interview, Hodas’ daughter, Romola, recalled the attention as unwanted. “My father used to come home, and he used to pace back and forth,” she said, as he repeated, “They’re not gonna get a [expletive] penny from me.”

She remembers kidnapping attempts and shots fired at the family’s home but couldn’t say who was behind them.  

The commission later determined that Franzese formed a partnership with Hodas, after he negotiated a truce with rival peep proprietors.

When police raided Hodas’ office in 1972, they found a note that said: “John gets $4,000 each week until $100,000 is received. Thereafter, he receives $1,000 for each week for the rest of the year. All new stores Marty puts up 50 percent cash with John and we are partners. Marty assumes all responsibility for running the stores.”

Police identified “John” as Franzese, although Hodas denied knowing him.

Three years later, Hodas was charged with tax evasion, eventually convicted and sentenced to a year in jail, despite his novel defense that he accurately reported his taxable income after deducting payoffs of roughly $100,000 a year to organized crime.

One actress in Hodas’ hard-core film loops was Linda Lovelace, who would become the star of “Deep Throat,” a movie that was stunningly lucrative for Franzese, who helped finance it, his sons said. Conservative estimates of its gross run into the tens of millions.

Copa nights

Less than a mile from the World Theater, where “Deep Throat” premiered, stood The Copacabana, silently owned by Frank Costello, head of what was then known as the Luciano crime family, and Podell. Costello, known as “the prime minister of organized crime,” split time between Central Park West and Sands Point.

The club drew the era’s most famous performers, including Rat Pack stars like Davis, Dean Martin and, above all, Frank Sinatra. Franzese knew them all.

“All the top entertainers in the country, in the world, they all wanted to work there,” he said.

Franzese’s wife, Tina, easily held her own in that environment. Petite, movie-star attractive and always beautifully dressed, she was comfortable with celebrities.

Franzese mingled easily with them as well. Singer Bobby Darin, who died at just 37 in 1973 after open heart surgery, was a favorite. “He was very good, a nice kid,” he recalled.

Darin broke Copa attendance records, and Franzese remembers the tense rivalry between Darin and Sinatra.

“Sinatra had a voice that was unbelievable, but this kid had a voice that Sinatra couldn’t reach the notes that he reached. Sinatra could never sing ‘Splish, Splash,’ ‘Mack the Knife.’ Bobby Darin — a voice, he coulda sang anything,” he said.

“He hated Sinatra, and Sinatra hated him because he knew he was a threat to him.”

Franzese and Sinatra themselves had an uneasy relationship, as each jousted to assert dominance, in Franzese’s recollection.

“He wanted to be catered to all the time,” he said. “See, I used to play it right. When I used to see him, I made out [like] I don’t see him. I did it on spite. He used to come back to me and talk loud so I could hear him. I wouldn’t turn around.”

The women

Beautiful and famous women — among them Monroe, Mansfield and the ’50s TV bombshell Dagmar — flocked to Franzese. That’s not just according to his account.

“He was a magnet,” said Tommy Gallagher, who ran a renowned boxing gym in Brooklyn where Franzese would go to unwind.

To this day, Franzese professes not to know what women saw in him.  

“They [would] come up to me, actually pick me up,” he said. “They hit on me like I was Rudolph Valentino. I couldn’t believe it myself at times.

“I was in demand, believe me,” he said. “I never know why. I never thought I was good looking. I never really did.”

That memory led to the only instance in five lengthy interviews where Franzese expressed embarrassment.

On May 19, 1962, in an iconic moment, Marilyn Monroe sashayed onto the stage of Madison Square Garden in a skintight, rhinestone-studded dress and sang a breathy “Happy Birthday” to President John F. Kennedy.

Down in the darkened arena, a different personal drama was playing out, Franzese said. Monroe’s ex-husband, Joe DiMaggio, was trying to confront Franzese about an affair he had with her.

“He was chasing me all over the place, he wanted to talk to me,” Franzese recalled. “I didn’t want to talk to him. I was ashamed. What can I tell him? You know what I mean? So I ran away, I wouldn’t talk to him.

“I liked Joe DiMaggio. He was my hero.”

At home

Celebrity and after-hours gallivanting are seldom a mobster’s friends. Law enforcement takes notice. Fellow mobsters get jealous. And family members get hurt.

At home, Franzese would explain away his activities with lies, his son John Jr. said, but Tina was not fooled.

Their arguments were frequent and heated, according to an FBI informant quoted in a 1962 memo.

One, over his affairs, was particularly intense: “On 3/20/62, the informant advised that Franzese and his wife had a very heated argument and this pertained to Franzese allegedly dating other women. The informant was unable to identify women with whom Franzese was allegedly going with nor was he able to substantiate whether this was a valid charge by Mrs. Franzese.”

John Jr., the youngest son, witnessed many of her rages. Sometimes, she would scream at Franzese, “I know who you really are!”

During one argument, Franzese slapped her, according to notes of FBI electronic surveillance.

Tina fought with anyone she thought had wronged her, Franzese said.

“I never figured she’d die,” Franzese said. “I figured the devil didn’t want her and God didn’t want her. She was a strong-headed woman.”

Often, the children bore the brunt of it. Both Michael and John remember her beating Michael with an ashtray and a guitar. She and her daughter Gia once fell to the floor hitting one another.  

Family members have trouble understanding Tina’s violent rages, but Ripp said he thinks he does.

“Look, so a woman finds that she is disrespected in some way or another and the dream life that she expected, whatever that might be, turns out not to be the dream life,” he said. “Now what does she do with all that anger? What does she do with all that disappointment? Oh, well, the kids wind up having to bear some of that.”

Closing in

Outside the house, meanwhile, the footsteps of interested lawmen got closer, and Franzese knew it.

He became adept at evading surveillance. His friend Ori Spado recalled that when they met for dinner at a restaurant in Great Neck, Franzese often would excuse himself and go to the men’s room for an unusually long time. Spado thought Franzese had some kind of health issue, until he finally realized that his friend had been slipping out the men’s room window so he could meet privately with associates at the other end of the shopping center.

In 1963, Franzese shook off two sets of charges, consorting with known criminals and attempted extortion, winning an acquittal and a dismissal.

In 1964, a judge ordered him to appear before a Brooklyn grand jury investigating payoffs to police and telephone company employees, who could tip off mobsters about planned raids. Because grand jury testimony is not public, what he said is not known, but he was not indicted.

The following summer, the Suffolk district attorney convened a grand jury to investigate the underworld’s ties to county Republicans. These, articles at the time reported, included attempts to influence judges and prosecutors handling gambling cases.

A candidate for Suffolk district attorney that year, Charles T. Matthews, publicly accused Franzese of trying to influence the race. He said he and his associate, Felice (Philly) Vizzari, of Deer Park, “are determined to elect a candidate who will not interfere with their desire to build a Cosa Nostra empire in Suffolk County.”

Matthews told the grand jury that he got his information from Nassau district attorney’s office intelligence reports. The grand jury found that politicians mingled with mobsters but concluded there was insufficient evidence for an indictment.  

Through it all, Franzese maintained his record as a courtroom untouchable.

But, after returning from another night out, he found himself in an unsettling conversation.

“As I’m coming to my house, the garbage guys tell me, ‘Sonny — Mr. Franzese — make like you’re talking to us, that you find that there’s something wrong, an argument, because we’re going to tell you something,’” he recalled. “And he’s telling me, ‘The FBI grabs us every morning, after we leave your house. They take all your garbage. We’ve got to separate your garbage and give it to them.’”

“Dumpster diving,” or looking through garbage, is a standard investigative technique.

At first, Franzese said, he was confused about why this kind surveillance was starting up just then.

Then, it hit him: Someone had given him up —  “One of them motherless guys,” he said, “that wanted to be like me, but he couldn’t.”